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CWA # 1583, 31 January 2025
Global Politics Explainer
The unending mayhem in Kurram

  Abhiruchi Chowdhury

What happened?
On 21 November 2024, violence in Kurram escalated after the assault on a caravan of Shia passenger vehicles in Lower Kurram. The assault took place in Mandori Charkhel, an area infamous for sectarian clashes. There were close to 200 vehicles in the caravan which were enroute to Peshawar. The gruesome incident was seen as retribution for the attack that took place on 12 October 2024 in which Sunni travelers were targeted. The sweeping violence after the November attack has resulted in more than 200 people losing their lives in the region. A peace accord was signed on 1 January between the rival parties in Kurram to bring back normalcy in the region

Where is Kurram?
The name Kurram comes from the Kurram river in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The erstwhile FATA agency borders provinces of Afghanistan- Paktia, where Pakistan recently conducted air strikes and Tora bora region, the known abode of Osama Bin Laden. Kurram is divided in to three regions- Upper Kurram where 80 per cent of the population is Shia, Central Kurram which is predominantly Sunni and Lower Kurram which has both Sunni and Shia population. Overall, Kurram district has 58 per cent population adhering to Sunni brand of Islam while 42 per cent are Shias. The south of the Kurram borders Waziristan which is known to house TTP and Daesh militants. Towards, the east of Kurram is Orakzai which had witnessed trespassing from Taliban in 2006. The only road which connects the province to the rest of the Pakistan is the Peshawar-Thall-Parachinar highway which had been left non-operational for more than 80 days.

What is the history behind the violence?
Kurram has a long history of witnessing sectarian clashes since 1930 because of disputes in ownership of land. The escalation of Shia-Sunni tensions in Kurram could be tracked down to 1979, the year when Soviet invaded Afghanistan. The migration of Sunni Afghan refugees after 1979 has altered the demographics of the region. Also, many Mujahideen groups came into existence at this time whose aim was to fight the Soviet occupation in Afghanistan. One of the first incidents in which the implications of changing demography came into light was the violence erupted in the year 1982 that compelled more than 50 Shia families to migrate from Parachinar. The families were never repatriated which sowed seeds of enmity between the two sects. 

After Taliban came to power in Afghanistan, the Haqqani Network supported Sunni tribes in Upper Kurram to solidify their position in the region. As the balance of power shifted, clashes again emerged in 1996.
 
After the 9/11 attacks and the beginning of war on terror, Al-Qaida and Taliban looked to Kurram for taking temporary refuge which was vehemently resisted by the Shia population. After, Pakistan began clearing out Afghan refugees, Sunni population tried to occupy those lands. This again led to the problem of land disputes.

With the coming of Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) in 2005, it united all the anti-Pakistan Taliban factions. TTP without any resistance was able to increase its influence in Lower Kurram. It initiated a “social boycott” of the Shia population in the region. Sunnis who were against this boycott had to face TTP’s wrath. 

Who are the major actors in the current conflict? 
First, the tribes in the region. The recent peace accord was signed by representatives belonging to two tribes Alizai and Bagan. Turi and Bangash are the two main tribes of the region. Turi tribe which is entirely affiliated to Shia brand of Islam are in control of the Upper Kurram region. Parachinar, a city in Upper Kurram has majority of Turi tribe population. It also had the presence of Bangash tribe which is predominantly Shia. Sunni tribes like Mengal and Maqbal are present at the peripheral of Parachinar. 

Second, the TTP: Sectarian tensions which remained subdued in the region became prominent after the arrival of TTP. TTP had been responsible in the past for choking the roads leading to Parachinar, however, they were kept away from getting hold of the city. 

Third, tribal elders of the region: The provincial government instead of being at the forefront in resolving the conflict has been dependent upon jirgas. Jirgas are essentially gathering of tribal elders and often see the presence of former legislators. Government’s approach to involve jirgas to solve such an intricate issue has been unhelpful. 

Fourth, the provincial government: KP government came heavy over signers of the peace accord after the assault on the aid convoy on 6 January in which former Deputy Commissioner of Kurram Javeduallah Mehsud who was at the forefront of initiating the peace accord was also wounded. The signatories have been directed to turn in the culprits of the assault, failing to which it will initiate measures to detain the attackers. In several areas like Khar Kili and Balish Khel, as per the peace accord, the district administration destroyed many of the bunkers. 

There has been a recurring trend of signing ineffective peace agreements that are not able to put an end to the ongoing violence and often violation of the ceasefire agreement occurs not long after it has been agreed upon. The latest peace accord joins the two previous ineffective peace agreements – Muree Agreement of 2008 and 2011 Peace Agreement along with a number of ceasefire agreements such as the in 2007 which got violated just months after it was signed. Two of the three aid convoys after the signing of peace accord have faced attacks. This signals that violence is not likely to come down in the coming time. Also, Taliban coming to Afghanistan is bad news for Shias in Kurram. It has provided safe havens to the TTP. TTP today is fiercer than what it was in 2007 and has a protected base in Afghanistan.

About the author
Abhiruchi Chowdhury is a Research Assistant at NIAS.
 

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