PAKISTAN READER

Nuha Aamina

On 26 February, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) released a new report titled “Under Siege: Freedom of Religion or Belief in 2023/24.” It provides an account of the violence and persecution against the religious minorities of Pakistan from July 2023 to June 2024. 

The reports' findings are based on open-source data, social media, remote and in-person interviews, legal records, and media reports. A prominent feature of the HRCP findings is the targeting of the Ahmadiya community and the misuse of blasphemy laws. Following are the five key takeaways of the report: 

1.    Sustained domination of the religious majority 
The report illustrates two examples to display the role of religious majoritarianism, one is relevant to political events, and the other linked to the judiciary. In February 2024 elections, according to the report was “compromised” by the commission and independent observers. The members of the Ahmaddiya community and the Scheduled caste Hindu groups faced disadvantages. The former was given a separate electoral roll despite the polls being conducted in a joint electorate system, while the latter lacked resources to participate in the election process. On the judicial front, former Chief Justice of Pakistan Qazi Faez Isa was subjected to a smear campaign led by Jamiat-e-Ulema-Islam (F) for granting bail to an Ahmadi man for an offence against religion.

2.    The misuse of blasphemy laws continues 
The report highlights how at least 225 individuals were accused of blasphemy between January and August 2024. From July to September 2023, tensions arose in parts of central Punjab as campaigns and violence against Christians continued. Of the few examples cited by the report, most of them have received death sentences for sharing “blasphemous” content online. Interestingly, the Cyber Crime Wing of the Federal Investigative Agency has not recorded the number of blasphemy cases in its 2023 annual report. Investigations by the National Commission for Human Rights and other independent media found the Cyber Crime Wing filed and arrested people for blasphemous posting online content without following protocol. There have been instances where courts have released accused. However, it does not guarantee their safety from further violence and discrimination. Amongst the four provinces, Punjab continues to have the highest number of blasphemy-linked crimes in prison. As of October 2024, 566 people have been imprisoned under Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) Sections 295 A to C. 

Another key finding by the HRCP is a Blasphemy Business report by the Special Branch of the Punjab Police issued in 2024. This report suggested the existence of a gang that fabricates blasphemy cases against individuals to blackmail and extort money from them. An informal commission carries out the activities under Legal Commission on Blasphemy Pakistan (LCBP). Upon investigation, it was found that about 90 per cent of the complainants reported to and registered by the Federal Investigative Agency (FIA) were the perpetrators who targeted the accused. Additionally, the involvement of the FIA’s Cyber Crime Wing in the LCBP’s activities was discovered. However, no disciplinary action has been taken against them, irrespective of documentary evidence. 

3.    Deepseated prejudices among the majority against the minority
The report dedicates an entire section to the Jaranwala mob attack described as one of the “starkest assaults” on Pakistani Christians. Their houses and neighborhoods were vandalized, desecrated, set ablaze, and looted by 1,200 muslim men because of false allegations imposed by a muslim woman of finding blasphemous material in a household. The event was live-streamed in parts and documented on various social media platforms, inciting violence and hatred and spreading disinformation against the religious minority. The Christians were left to fend for themselves as no police or security personnel arrived to their rescue despite being called in. Investigations conducted by the HRCP and other civil society groups found that TLP members had approached the police to file an FIR against the accused. Additionally, the NCHR found that the attack was premeditated and deliberate as the police strength was limited. Video evidence indicated how police resorted to mob-appeasing behaviour by assuring the perpetrators of arresting the accused. It highlights how law enforcement personnel prioritizes religion over upholding law and justice. Upon further probing, it was discovered that many of the blasphemy allegations are fabricated and circulated on social media and exaggerated on other media stream platforms. 

4.    The specific targeting of Ahmadiyyas
The report cites an NCHR report issued in April 2024 which outlines the risks to the rights, life, and property of Ahmadiyyas. They are victims of institutionalized discrimination and social bigotry. The HRCP has provided an account of various forms of discrimination against the community during the period under review, where their freedom to practice their beliefs has been curtailed. For instance, during Eid Al Azha in 2024, 12 first information reports were filed against Ahmadi men. Complainants identified from the TLP and police, among others, have registered them for observing the ritual sacrifice, preventing the community from celebrating Eid. Moreover, the Lahore High Court Bar Association president asked the provincial government of Punjab to prohibit the community from performing the sacrifice. There are also video recordings of policemen confiscating the ritual sacrifice and animals on Eid. Even before Eid, content was circulated by the TLP supporters threatening the public and police from allowing the community from observing the festival. 

Another aspect is the desecration of their places of worship and graveyards. In 2023, eight graveyards were desecrated, while in 2024, seven incidents were witnessed. In four cases, the police were directly involved in these incidents. For example, in January 2024, police destroyed tombstones of graves on the orders of the Sialkot district administration. In this regard, it would be fair to say that the law perpetuates such persecution against the Ahmaddiyas as it also bans them from congregating to pray. Between July 2023 and June 2024, at least 42 attacks were launched on worship sites, most of them being carried out by law enforcement personnel or under their supervision. Such practices are said to appease the hardline clerics. 

5.    The absence of a safe and secure environment for religious minorities
The Sikhs, Hindus, Christians, and Shias are vulnerable to violence in the country. To avoid targetted killings, Pakistani Sikhs have been forced to flee their homes in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and relocate to other provinces. Their access to education is restricted, and non-allocation of foreign funds dedicated to the Sikh cause is prevalent. Shias, on the other hand, are directly hit by sectarian violence. Some prominent ones in the period under review are the ongoing violence in Kurram and episodes of unrest in Gilgit Baltistan. Pakistani Hindus face persecution from both the State and informal actors. The state authorities limit their access to religious sites, while the burial sites of Dalits have been encroached on. 

Among the issues being faced by these groups, the report highlights two being the forced conversions of minority girls and the internal displacement. In April 2024, United Nations Special Procedures experts brought the forced marriages and religious conversions of religious minorities to the forefront. “Christian and Hindu girls remain particularly vulnerable to forced religious conversion, abduction, trafficking, child, early and forced marriage, domestic servitude and sexual violence,” they said. Experts have indicated a silent migration of Hindu families to India from Jacobabad, Ghotki, and Kashmore to  Madhya Pradesh, Nagpur, and Raipur in search of security. 

This, along with “faith-based persecution and religiously motivated violence,” has driven religious minorities to relocate, flee the country, and even go into hiding.

About the author
Nuha Aamina is a Research Assistant at NIAS.

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