Iran, US and the Nuclear Deal

Photo Source: Washington Post
   NIAS Course on Global Politics
National Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS)
Indian Institute of Science Campus, Bangalore
For any further information or to subscribe to GP alerts send an email to subachandran@nias.res.in

Iran, US and the Nuclear Deal
Amidst the US-Iran standoff, Saudi Arabia should be cautious

  Lakshmi V Menon

Saudi Arabia must be cautious as an escalation would prove costly, and Riyadh with its infrastructural investments and other commitments cannot afford a war. The kingdom must prioritize national interests over Washington's interests. Else, Saudi Arabia will be the price the US pays for the war with Iran.

Despite high-level bilateral visits, Riyadh has little say in the unfolding tensions between Iran and the US. Riyadh's current all-or-nothing Iran-policy is congruent with Trump's "maximum pressure" approach. 

However, Saudi with little leverage stands to lose more from the conflict than the US. With a fickle President such as Trump, a torchbearer of the "America First" agenda and a believer of the idea that the Gulf countries need to "reimburse" for the decades of protection from America, Saudi Arabia cannot expect the US's undeterred security and military backing in case of a war.

Saudi interests over US interests

Saudi Arabia will have to bear the brunt of an Iran-US fallout and Tehran's "maximum resistance" retaliation. The Saudi oil tanker attacks and increasing Iranian-backed Houthi rebel attacks on Saudi territory are not isolated events. Nor is it a mere coincidence. These are the limited Iranian responses to US sanctions which are directly jeopardizing Saudi's security but remains mere "attacks on an ally" for Washington. 

Inadequate engagement of the US in case of a war and Trump's perspective of allies' security being collateral damage will prove dangerous for Saudi. Instead of cheering the bulldozing of Tehran, now is the time for Riyadh to revisit their Iran policy. Riyadh must craft a pragmatic and incremental policy towards Iran as a US-Iran war would be at Saudi's expense. If Saudi's Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman does not want war as he claims, then reevaluating strategies is crucial. 

What can Riyadh do?

Iranian Foreign minister Javad Zarif's "no-aggression pact" could be a stepping stone. A Saudi initiative in favour of US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo's statement to have a Washington-Tehran dialogue "with no pre-conditions" will give Riyadh greater leverage in future negotiations. Saudi could also resolve struggles within OPEC that have led to Iran accusing Russia and Saudi of dominating the cartel. Such an economic consideration would considerably help Tehran to overcome the recession, and go a long way in improving bilateral relations and maintaining regional stability.

A direct dialogue between Iran and Saudi would make MBS' claims of not wanting a war more credible. Distancing from the military escalation could boost the corroding image of Saudi Arabia, as the state has recently been muddled in accusations of human rights violations. Regional countries would also welcome an incremental, pragmatic and realistic approach. Furthermore, it could aid a safe Saudi exit from the Yemen War.

Trump administration's moves have only increased insecurities of Iran that justify nuclear proliferation and increasing their enriched uranium and heavy water stockpiles. Riyadh like the current signatories of the JCPOA must appraise the agreement as to the first step to having a sustainable engagement with Iran.

Will there be a Saudi-Iran Rapprochement?

Possibility of such a rapprochement lies on various factors. Primarily, a collective political will. Other elements such as domestic politics, civil conflicts, oil politics, hardliners on both sides and regional politics make the realization of a truce challenging. Iran's elite Regional Guard Corps' assertive regional outlook coupled with cross-cutting dynastic and succession politics in Saudi Arabia has time and again driven the countries away from peace. Decisive regional political actions are forgone for domestic political mileage. The riddle requires minds of determined revolutionary leaders. Further, if Riyadh wants a sustainable solution and viable peace with Iran, then Washington must gain significantly from the rapprochement.

Such a truce is not unlikely and is probably the best option for Riyadh in the current scenario of US-Iran escalations. In the past, the kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran have attempted incremental approaches. Renewing those talks would save Riyadh from the vicious cycle it would otherwise find itself in. On a broader perspective, the GCC countries and OPEC countries would benefit from regional stability and a less conflictual region. 

Saudi Arabia must be cautious as an escalation would prove costly, and Riyadh with its infrastructural investments and other commitments cannot afford a war. The kingdom must prioritize national interests over Washington's interests. Else, Saudi Arabia will be the price the US pays for the war with Iran.

Print Bookmark

PREVIOUS COMMENTS

March 2024 | CWA # 1251

NIAS Africa Team

Africa This Week
February 2024 | CWA # 1226

NIAS Africa Team

Africa This Week
December 2023 | CWA # 1189

Hoimi Mukherjee | Hoimi Mukherjee is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Political Science in Bankura Zilla Saradamani Mahila Mahavidyapith.

Chile in 2023: Crises of Constitutionality
December 2023 | CWA # 1187

Aprajita Kashyap | Aprajita Kashyap is a faculty of Latin American Studies, School of International Studies at the Jawaharlal Nehru University New Delhi.

Haiti in 2023: The Humanitarian Crisis
December 2023 | CWA # 1185

Binod Khanal | Binod Khanal is a Doctoral candidate at the Centre for European Studies, School of International Studies, JNU, New Delhi.

The Baltic: Energy, Russia, NATO and China
December 2023 | CWA # 1183

Padmashree Anandhan | Padmashree Anandhan is a Research Associate at the School of Conflict and Security Studies, National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bangaluru.

Germany in 2023: Defence, Economy and Energy Triangle
December 2023 | CWA # 1178

​​​​​​​Ashok Alex Luke | Ashok Alex Luke is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Political Science at CMS College, Kottayam.

China and South Asia in 2023: Advantage Beijing?
December 2023 | CWA # 1177

Annem Naga Bindhu Madhuri | Annem Naga Bindhu Madhuri is a postgraduate student at the Department of Defence and Strategic Studies at the University of Madras, Chennai.

China and East Asia
October 2023 | CWA # 1091

Annem Naga Bindhu Madhuri

Issues for Europe
July 2023 | CWA # 1012

Bibhu Prasad Routray

Myanmar continues to burn
December 2022 | CWA # 879

Padmashree Anandhan

The Ukraine War
November 2022 | CWA # 838

Rishma Banerjee

Tracing Europe's droughts
March 2022 | CWA # 705

NIAS Africa Team

In Focus: Libya
December 2021 | CWA # 630

GP Team

Europe in 2021
October 2021 | CWA # 588

Abigail Miriam Fernandez

TLP is back again
August 2021 | CWA # 528

STIR Team

Space Tourism
September 2019 | CWA # 162

Lakshman Chakravarthy N

5G: A Primer
December 2018 | CWA # 71

Mahesh Bhatta | Centre for South Asian Studies, Kathmandu

Nepal
December 2018 | CWA # 70

Nasima Khatoon | Research Associate, ISSSP, NIAS

The Maldives
December 2018 | CWA # 69

Harini Madhusudan | Research Associate, ISSSP, NIAS

India
December 2018 | CWA # 68

Sourina Bej | Research Associate, ISSSP, NIAS

Bangladesh
December 2018 | CWA # 67

Seetha Lakshmi Dinesh Iyer | Research Associate, ISSSP, NIAS

Afghanistan