In the news
On 10 October, Israel’s Parliament ratified a ceasefire with Hamas, paving the way to suspend hostilities in Gaza within 24 hours and free Israeli hostages held there within 72 hours. Further, the Israeli forces will partially withdraw to the "yellow line" retaining 53 per cent control, and 600 daily aid trucks will be allowed into the enclave.
On 9 October, President Trump stated that the deal agreed between Israel and Hamas marks the first steps toward a "strong, durable, and everlasting peace" that will end the two-year-old Gaza war.
On 8 October, Hamas released the list of missing hostages and prisoners to be released in the first phase of the 20-point plan
On 3 October, Hamas signalled partial agreement to Trump’s peace plan, accepting key terms including the release of all hostages as well as the handover of Gaza's administration to a technocratic Palestinian body.
On 30 September, Prime Minister Netanyahu backed President Trump’s 20-point peace proposal for Gaza stating: "I support your plan to end the war in Gaza, which achieves our war aims.”
Issues at large
First, Trump’s 20-point deal. The plan envisions an initial phase of ceasefire and the partial withdrawal of Israeli forces, alongside the exchange of hostages. The second phase includes full IDF withdrawal, and Hamas demilitarization, and in the final phase, a technocratic governance replacing Hamas with PA involvement. The plan was developed in consultation with leaders of Islamic countries on the sidelines of the 80th UN General Assembly session.
Second, concessions by Israel and Hamas. Unlike previous failed negotiations, Israel is to suspend military operations in Gaza without a concrete deal and agreed to a comprehensive hostage exchange without demanding Hamas’s complete disarmament. Hamas, in turn, accepted a partial Israeli withdrawal instead of full de-occupation. Hamas also agreed to an “all for all” hostage exchange. Israel also had to roll back on its plans of eliminating the top brass of Hamas leadership and resort to negotiations.
Third, the US-Arab coordination and the making of the Middle East actors a stakeholder. The Trump plan involved a steady consultation of the Arab countries, especially Qatar and Egypt and elevating them to key stakeholders. The active consultation of the Arab leaders on the sidelines of the UNGA session also highlights their centrality to the cause. The Arab coalition is also key to the post-war rebuilding of Gaza, with the International Stabilisation Force (ISF) led by Jordan and Egypt to secure borders and revitalise the Palestinian police forces. Additionally, Egypt is set to manage the departure and return of Palestinians and aid through the Rafah crossing. The post-war reconstruction of Gaza also envisions “modern miracle cities in the Middle East,” hinting at the developmental cooperation of countries like Saudi Arabia and the UAE. In negotiating the implementation of the first phase, Qatar played a key role in pressuring Hamas leaders like Khalil al-Hayya for compliance.
In perspective
First, challenges to lasting peace. Despite the execution of the first phase of the 20-point peace plan, challenges to future negotiations and the ultimate lasting peace remain. Israel and Hamas remain divided over key aspects of the peace plan- including the complete disarmament of Hamas and the dismantling of its structures, its exclusion from post-war governance, and most importantly, the larger question of Palestinian statehood. While the first phase has halted the military campaign and bought time for further negotiations, these factors could potentially derail the possibility of lasting peace.
Second, for Palestine, the ceasefire and the 20-point peace plan offer the immediate reprieve from the dire humanitarian crisis unfolding in the region and the possibility of reconstruction under the supervision of the International Stabilisation Force. However, in the long run, the potential technocratic governance structure and the Board of Peace led by external actors, including the US and the Arab countries, question the possibility of Palestinian statehood. The peace plan also remains vague in its acceptance of a sovereign Palestinian state. Further, the internal contestation between the Palestinian Authority and Hamas complicates the prospect of a stable and coherent alternative. While the peace plan ensures Israel does not annex Gaza, it does not address the occupation and settlements in the West Bank, adding to the complexities of a viable Palestinian state.
Third, for Israel, the Trump plan is a strategic recalibration both internationally and domestically. Israel has achieved its central demand for the release of all hostages, and the plan further offers the dissolution of Hamas. Despite the contention from the far-right bloc of Netanyahu’s coalition, the domestic support for the administration has been bolstered by the ceasefire and the imminent return of hostages. It also guarantees Israel a “security perimeter,” and the IDF’s handover of Gaza under favourable terms. However, the chance of a potential state of Palestine contradicts the major demands of Israel’s security doctrine, which can complicate future negotiations.
Finally, for the region, the peace plan is an opportunity for united efforts in restoring regional stability. The US efforts and the peace plan could potentially bind US-Arab ties closer, evidenced by the severity of the US response to Israel’s attack on Doha. The deal also hints at the possibility of an Arab-Israeli normalisation. The dismantling of Hamas and the technocratic governance of Gaza is also an experimental opportunity for the region.
About the author
Brighty Ann Sarah is a postgraduate student at Stella Maris College, Chennai.
