NIAS Africa Studies

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NIAS Africa Studies
Lavrov’s visit to Africa: Four takeaways

  Ayan Datta

On 3-8 June, Russia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergei Lavrov visited four African countries: Guinea, the Republic of Congo, Burkina Faso, and Chad. Through the visit, Moscow sought to bolster its presence and influence in Africa amid rising global isolation after its military operations in Ukraine. Lavrov presented Russia as a reliable security, economic and diplomatic partner. 

In Guinea, Lavrov focused on implementing projects in “geological exploration,” “mineral deposits,” energy production, and UN-level cooperation. He  condemned the West’s “neocolonial practices” and stressed the need to “African solutions to African problems.” 

In Republic of Congo, Lavrov met President Denis Sassou and Minister of Foreign Affairs Jean-Claude Gakosso. Both sides pledged to strengthen “intensive military and military-technical cooperation in the interest of strengthening the defence capability of the Republic of the Congo.” Lavrov’s visit marked the 60th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries. 

In Burkina Faso, Lavrov met President Ibrahim Traore and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Regional Cooperation and Burkinese Affairs Abroad, K J M Traoré. Both sides announced that Russia’s state-owned nuclear power firm Rosatom would engage high-ranking Burkinabe officials on nuclear cooperation. 

In Chad, Lavrov met President’s Mahamat Idriss Deby and discussed strategies to combat terrorism and enhance military ties. 

The visit followed multiple important developments in the region concerning Russia: France’s declining influence in northern Africa and the Sahel, increasing anti-West sentiments, and the increased presence of Russia’s Africa Corps, which took over the private military company Wagner’s operations after the death of its leader Yevgeny Prigozhin. 

The following are the major takeaways of the visit.

1. A push for military cooperation. Russia aims to expand military cooperation and economic presence in Africa. Lavrov articulated this agenda in Burkina Faso, stating that the two partners were "fully unlocking the potential for mutually beneficial, equitable cooperation in a wide range of areas, including economy, social issues, health care, education, military and military-technical cooperation." The push for military cooperation underscored Russia’s objective of becoming an alternative security partner to Western powers. 

Lavrov’s message of building bilateral relationships “based on equality and mutual benefit” resonated strongly in Burkina Faso, which experienced two coups in the past two years and multiple security challenges. His messaging aligned with the anti-colonial narratives used by the country’s military leadership.

Lavrov reiterated existing defence and military-technical cooperation agreements in Chad, stating: "The Chadian armed and security forces receive Russian weapons and military equipment that strengthen your country's defence capability and enable it to fight terrorism more effectively." He underscored Russia’s current military engagements and signalled Russia’s interest in intensifying these ties. 

2. Russia-Africa partnership. Diversifying beyond weapons sales. During his visits, Lavrov emphasised potential domains of economic collaboration, including infrastructure development, resource exploration and nuclear energy. In Chad, the Minister stressed “major joint projects in geological exploration, the use of subsurface resources, and nuclear power production,” indicating Russia’s objective of diversifying beyond military cooperation. The focus on natural resource extraction and energy solutions aligned with Russia’s economic interests. Lavrov highlighted Russia’s infrastructure development capabilities in other countries, especially in railway construction, highlighting the Russian Railway’s performance in the continent. However, the greater emphasis on military-technical cooperation indicated that weapons sales remained Russia’s primary tool of economic influence in Africa. 

Lavrov indirectly acknowledged that Russia’s economic capabilities had been eroded by the West’s sanctions, stating that he wanted African leaders to "communicate their wishes about the forms of cooperation and the sectors of their economy where they would consider the presence of Russian economic operators useful.” 

3. Russia gathering diplomatic support for its Ukraine conflict. Lavrov’s engagement with African leaders and public statements reflected his diplomatic efforts at garnering support for the War in Ukraine. In the Republic of Congo, Lavrov praised President Denis Sassou Nguesso for the “fair and honest stance on Ukraine.” Lavrov commended African leaders who adopted “an objective and balanced view” of the conflict, reflecting his strategy to cultivate diplomatic support in the Global South. 

Framing the Ukraine issue as a result of Western interference and aggression, he stated while in Chad: “The Western policy of interference in the domestic affairs of sovereign states caused the Ukraine crisis.” 

Lavrov criticised West-led diplomatic initiatives to resolve the Ukraine conflict. Dismissing the Swiss peace conference on Ukraine as a desperate US attempt to "preserve the collapsing anti-Russian bloc," Lavrov argued that such initiatives were counterproductive and harmful to the peace process in Ukraine because they excluded Russia. Furthermore, Lavrov accused Western countries of pressuring African countries to take sides in the conflict. He claimed that the organisers of the Swiss conference were telling African countries: "It is up to you to choose sides, whether you stand with us or with Russia. We will punish those who side with Russia." Lavrov attempted to position Russia as a defender of Africa’s sovereignty against Western coercion. By floating this narrative, he sought to position Moscow as a champion of a more equitable multipolar international order.

4. A challenge to France’s influence in Africa. Lavrov challenged French influence in Africa by visiting multiple countries that were historically under French rule, including Burkina Faso and Chad. In Burkina Faso, Lavrov stated: “I see Russian flags in Burkina Faso. I don’t see European flags.” Lavrov asserted Russia’s policy as “either you are with us or against us" and contrasted it with Russia’s policy of "friendship without alliances against others." He sought to capitalise on the growing anti-Western sentiments in African countries.

In Chad, when questioned about whether improved Russia-Chad relations would affect Chad's relationship with France, Lavrov assured that Russia's "friendship with Chad will in no way affect our relations with France." It implied that African countries need not choose between partnerships, subtly encouraging them to diversify their international relations. He questioned the notion that northern Africa and the Sahel were “French influence zone(s),” stating that “we have a different principle. We are friends with those who want to be friends. We never ally with someone against someone else. 


About the authors
Ayan Datta is a Postgraduate Student at the University of Hyderabad.

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