In the news
On 27 January, M23 rebels captured Goma, the largest city in eastern DRC. The advance came after the UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres called on the Rwandan forces supporting the M23 rebels in the eastern DRC to withdraw on 26 January. The DRC government declared it as a "declaration of war" by Rwanda. According to Al Jazeera, the fighting has killed more than 100 people including SADC peacekeepers.

On the same day, UNHCR reported that 400,000 people have been displaced during the past three weeks in eastern DRC, adding to the four million already displaced.

On 30 January, Corneille Nangaa, the leader of the rebel alliance including the M23 said that they would continue the offensive to Kinshasa and topple President Felix Tshisekedi.

On the same day, DRC's President Felix Tshisekedi vowed a "vigorous" response to M23. He said: "Vigorous and coordinated response against these terrorists and their sponsors is underway."

On 28 January, Al Jazeera reported on protests in the capital Kinshasa against international inaction in Goma. The protesters attacked the embassies of Rwanda, France, Belgium, the US, Uganda and Kenya.

Issues at large
First, a profile on M23. M23 or March 23, an ethnic Tutsi-led group in eastern DRC, was formed in 2012. It is a breakaway group from the National Congress for the Defence of People (NCDP), a rebel group that fought for the rights of minority Tutsis in eastern DRC after the Congo wars. NCDP was formed against the Hutus who fled Rwanda to eastern DRC over the fear of persecution for carrying out the Rwandan genocide in 1994. The Hutus who fled Rwanda after the genocide formed the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) in eastern DRC. Since then, Rwanda has accused DRC of supporting FDLR against the minority Tutsis in eastern DRC. For Rwanda and Paul Kagame’s Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), support for M23 is associated with its minority Tutsi kin and animosity against Hutus in the eastern DRC. Although NCDP agreed to integrate into the DRC forces after the agreement on 23 March 2009, M23 broke away from the group and launched a major offensive in 2012 saying that the promise was broken. The group was named after the date the 2009 peace agreement was signed. Then, the offensive was thwarted by the UN and DRC forces. In 2021, the group reemerged and has been continuing its violent campaign in the region with support from the Rwandan forces.

Second, the decades-long crises in eastern DRC. The crisis began after the Rwandan genocide in 1994 and the two Congo wars that followed. Upon fear of another holocaust similar to that of genocide in Rwanda, several ethnic and inter-ethnic groups in the region formed armed groups as a defence against each other. According to the UN, there are more than 120 ethnic armed groups in eastern DRC. Besides, the DRC government always left the governance in the region to ethnic chiefdoms, and the grievances of these peripheries were never met. The governance problem in the region exacerbated the ethnic tensions in the region. Currently, the crises are over ethnic dominance, access to resources, territory and power. Additionally, these armed groups have been supported by DRC, Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi at various points, acting as proxies for each country’s interests in the region.

Third, ineffective regional and international efforts. All peace initiatives have repeatedly failed in the region. In 2021, DRC and M23 agreed to a ceasefire mediated by Kenya. However, it failed within months when M23 resumed its campaign. In 2022, then Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta brought the warring parties together for a mediation; however, it too failed. The latest escalation comes after a failed mediation by Angola in December 2024. Angola put forward the "Luanda Roadmap,” supported by the SADC, the AU, the US and the EU. However, it failed after DRC President Tshisekedi disagreed to hold talks with the rebel group directly. Rwanda and DRC are seeking peace under terms that would give them access to critical minerals towns in the region. 

Fourth, the fall of Goma and its importance. Since the re-emergence, M23 made several attempts to capture Goma. Recently, the conflict escalated in the region after the rebels captured Masisi town on 5 January which brought them closer to Goma. Goma is the capital of the North Kivu province, bordering Rwanda and sharing the shores of Lake Kivu. It is an important trading point that has access to all mining towns supplying minerals including gold, tin, coltan and lithium. Control of Goma means control of the region and the trade network. Goma which is home to many ethnic groups including Tutsis, Hutus, Kano, Nande and Nyanga has frequently witnessed clashes over mineral areas which several armed groups use to fund their activities.
 
In perspective
M23's capture of Goma was long anticipated. The groups had previously come closer to capturing the town several times. Now that Goma is with M23, many other armed groups are likely to support M23 to access the trade advantages and M23’s hold. The end of MINUSMA, the withdrawal of East African Community (EAC) forces and failed efforts by SADC forces gave them an advantage to advance into Goma. Its strategic advantages of access to mining towns are going to strengthen M23 and the rebel alliance in the region. It would further increase insecurity issues not only in North Kivu but also in the neighbouring provinces of Ituri and South Kivu, which are already challenged by rebel insurgency. 

Eastern DRC has emerged as a major conflict hotspot where armed groups, local militias and external actors vie for territorial advantages solely for access to minerals. And, the people have been left to suffer its consequences. The Norwegian Refugee Council says DRC is one of the worst humanitarian crises of the 21st century and one of the largest displacement crises with the UN recording 7.2 million. The new developments have increased fear among the people of Goma and the neighbouring towns, further worsening the humanitarian crisis.

Besides raising concerns, several international actors have refrained from involving directly in the issue. For many international actors including France, Belgium, Germany the US and the UK, the conflicts have become a major challenge in accessing the mining towns. Beyond a resolution, their priority has always been the region's mineral deposits. For instance, the US and the UK have been trying to establish a new trade route through the Lobito Corridor to access the minerals in the region.