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National Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS)
Indian Institute of Science Campus, Bangalore
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CW Profile
The Houthis:

  Manikranth Chakravarthula
Manikranth Chakravarthula is a doctoral student at the Conflict Resolution and Peace Research Programme, School of Conflict and Security Studies, National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bengaluru.

The origins 
Officially named Ansar Allah (Supporters of God), the Houthis are a Zaydi Shia political and military movement operating as northern Yemen’s de facto governing regime. The group emerged in the early 1990s in northwestern Sa'dah Governorate as Al-Shabab al-Mu'min (The Believing Youth), founded by Hussein Badr al-Din al-Houthi. 

Originally established to revitalize Zaydi identity against Saudi-funded Salafi and Wahhabi proselytization, the movement expanded following opposition to the 2003 US invasion of Iraq and the external alignment of Yemen’s former President Ali Abdullah Saleh. Between 2004 and 2010, the Houthis led six consecutive insurgencies against government forces, known as the Sa'dah Wars. 

Capitalizing on the political disruption of the 2011 Arab Spring and anger over fuel subsidy cuts, the Houthis seized Sana'a in September 2014, drove President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi into exile by early 2015, and established state-like control over northern Yemen. Ideologically and politically, patriarch Badr al-Din al-Houthi and his sons received religious training at the Iranian seminary in Qom during the 1990s, forging foundational ties with Iran.

The ethnic, elite and ideological makeup
Ethnically composed of indigenous Arab Yemenis, the movement’s internal hierarchy is strictly stratified. Executive, spiritual, and ideological leadership is concentrated within the Hashemite (Sada/Sayyid) elite class including the founding al-Houthi family which claims direct lineage from the Prophet Muhammad via his grandsons Al-Hasan and Al-Husayn. Historically, the Sada elite held immense religious and political power, serving as Qadis (Islamic judges) and ruling the Zaydi Imamate until its overthrow in the 1962 civil war.

Beneath this elite leadership, the core fighting force and grassroots backing are drawn from northern highland tribal confederations, primarily the Bakil and Hashid. Doctrinally rooted in Zaydism, a Shia branch unique to northern Yemen comprising 35–40 per cent of the Yemen’s population, the Houthis have increasingly integrated Twelver Shia political iconography while co-opting Sunni tribal groups through populist anti-corruption and anti-imperialist messaging.

The geographical footprint 
From their heartland in Sa'dah Governorate, the Houthis control 20 to 30 per cent of Yemen, encompassing 70 to 80 per cent of the population (roughly 24 to 25 million people). Their domain includes major administrative centers: Sana'a, Sa'dah, Amran, Hajjah, Dhamar, Ibb, and parts of Taiz. Crucially, control over Al-Hudaydah Governorate grants direct positioning along the Red Sea coast and Bab al-Mandab Strait, providing significant leverage over global maritime trade routes.

Political and Military structure
Ansar Allah’s platform combines Zaydi revivalism, anti-imperialism, pan-Islamism, and anti-Zionism, summarized in their official slogan (Sarkha): "God is Great, Death to America, Death to Israel, A Curse Upon the Jews, Victory to Islam.” The movement operates across four primary operational pillars: Military Wing headed by Abdullah al-Hakim, overseeing tactical and armed operations; Tribal Wing managing integration, alliances, and recruitment across northern tribal networks; Ideological Wing directed by Abdulkarim al-Houthi, supervising religious, cultural, and political education and the Political Wing led by Mahdi al-Mashat via the Supreme Political Council (SPC), managing formal public administration. Operational authority relies on a dual structure: formal civil ministries function under the SPC in Sana'a, while a shadow supervisor network (mushrifin) enforces ideological compliance, controls civil servants, and extracts state revenue through tribal patronage, financial incentives, and coercive political repression.

Evolving from a grassroots religious organization into a strong paramilitary force capable of state capture, Houthi troop estimates vary: in 2018, Houthi officials claimed 60,000 fighters, while external estimates placed the number between 15,000 and 50,000. Historically, recruitment relied on northern social networks, religious sermons, and youth summer camps. Reports also document heavy reliance on child soldiers deployed at frontlines as guards, fighters, and mine clearers.

External Support
The Houthis are a central component of Iran's regional "Axis of Resistance." Tehran serves as the group’s primary state sponsor and sole government providing formal diplomatic recognition. Through the IRGC-Quds Force, Iran supplies ballistic and cruise missiles, kamikaze UAVs, anti-ship systems, and technical advisers. Non-state support is provided by Lebanese Hezbollah’s specialized Unit 3800 through tactical training and battlefield assistance. Financially, the movement sustains its war economy through international smuggling networks trafficking fuel, raw materials, and arms across the Gulf of Oman, Arabian Sea, and Horn of Africa.

Though doctrinally Zaydi Shia, the Houthis enter opportunistic alliances with Sunni extremist groups, including Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), maintaining a ceasefire since 2022 and Al-Shabaab in Somalia. To expand their global footprint and counter US influence, the Houthis have also leveraged ties with major powers, including Russia and China.

 

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