NIAS Europe Studies Brief

NIAS Europe Studies Brief
Lessons from Ukraine War: Effectiveness of Sanctions

Debangana Chatterjee
21 November 2022
Photo Source: REUTERS/Dado Ruvic/Illustration

Lessons from Ukraine War: Effectiveness of Sanctions

NIAS/CSS/STIR/U/IB/27/2022
NIAS Area Studies Brief No. 52 | NIAS Europe Studies
21 September 2022

Abstract
The beginning of the Russia-Ukraine war in 2022 also witnessed international sanctions against Russia. Even before the formal act of aggression on 24 February 2022, sanctions were already being discussed against Russia in anticipation of its aggression. Most of these measures targeting Russia were economic and socio-cultural in nature and not consolidated into collective military efforts. While international sanctions are penalising measures targeting the violators of international laws and serve to maintain international peace and security, their efficacy simply depends on who the aggressor is and how the aggressor is placed in the international power system. This paper, therefore, critically looks at the international sanctions regime to assess its efficacy in general, and more particularly in the context of the ongoing Ukrainian crisis. In this process, the paper explores the complex power bias inherent in international sanctions and the politics of ‘othering’. The aim, thus, is also to explore the partisan international sanctions regime which is self-limiting its effectiveness. The paper takes recourse to a three-fold analysis to unpack the nuances of international sanctions juxtaposing them against the current Ukrainian context. First, it provides an overview of international sanctions and places them in a historical context. Second, it analyses the specific sanctions against Russia during the ongoing crisis to understand their efficacy. Third, reviewing the past and the present outcomes of international sanctions, this paper tries to look beyond the Ukraine crisis to evaluate the impact of sanctions as an effective political tool in the coming decades. 

Sanctions: A Historical Context 
International sanctions have evolved throughout history and developed their own norms, principles, and rules, making them into an international regime. International sanctions regime may therefore be defined as a set of international principles, norms, rules and decision-making procedures on the issue-area of implementing sanctions around which the international actors converge (Krasner 1982). The sanctions regime, as the hallmark of an international liberal order, is built on an idea of persuasive coercion for maintaining international peace and stability through cooperative measures. It has resided somewhere between the ‘wars’ and ‘words’ of international relations determined by realpolitik.

The post-war regime of international sanctions stems from the collective realisation of an agreed path to avoid the impending catastrophes of war. Historically speaking, the regime has evolved in close relation to the adoption of the United Nations (UN) Charter, establishing a liberal framework for peace. Chapter VII of the UN Charter authorizes the UN Security Council (UNSC) to enforce peace by determining “the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression" and making recommendations for military and non-military actions to “maintain or restore international peace and security” (UN 1945). While the UN provides a mechanism for the collective enforcement of sanctions, the UNSC has been paralyzed in implementing them over various moments in history, especially during the Cold War years (Farall 2007). Historically speaking, a collective effort for sanctions sought big power consensus at the UNSC, something that could hardly be reached due to the rampant use of veto during this period. The glaringly high numbers of unilateral sanctions in the 1970s and 1980s stand witness to the Cold War deadlock in implementing collective sanctions (Elliott 2005: 4). Despite many proposals for UN sanctions not materializing on many occasions, there were still many sanctions that did muster collective support. 

First, sanctions have been successfully declared in particular cases where there was no power bloc dilemma, as was the case during the Cold War. From WWI through the 1990s, a total of 193 sanctions have been recorded (Elliott 2005: 4). Since 1966, the UNSC as a collective imposed just about 30 sanctions against states like Rhodesia, South Africa, the former Yugoslavia, Haiti, Iraq, Angola, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Liberia, DRC, Côte d’Ivoire, Sudan, Lebanon, DPRK, Iran, Libya, Guinea-Bissau, CAR, Yemen, South Sudan and Mali, and non-state actors like ISIL (Da'esh), Al-Qaida, and the Taliban (in 1999) (UNSC n. d.). The list succinctly captures two factors - the sharp decline in the number of sanctions during the Cold War, and the absence of deadlock by the UNSC permanent members in the implementation of these sanctions. 

Second, the mere imposition of sanctions does not guarantee its success. While an organised effort at collective sanctions may bear effective results as was the sanction regime against the South African apartheid, the efficacy of sanctions may be rooted in myriad other political and socio-economic factors. For example, the success of the South African sanctions regime possibly lies in the nature of its mixed economy with a heavy dependence on mining raw materials and the internal change process initiated by the South African stakeholders alongside a constructive engagement centred around an anti-apartheid strategy (Crawford 1999: 3). More importantly, the impact of sanctions, except the military ones, are not immediately felt and, therefore, sanctions are predominantly assessed retrospectively. Thus, looking back on the sanctions against Yugoslavia, Rwanda, and Sudan, to name a few, the regime had grossly failed to prevent these conflicts' violent occurrences. The feebly imposed UN arms embargoes and European aid curtailments, crafted to prevent further escalation of civil strife and genocide in these countries fell short of proving to be effective (Elliott 2005).

Third, the international sanctions regime, reflecting mainly on the list of the UN-established items, works selectively. This selective implementation of sanctions may be understood in two ways - its higher success rate when imposed on weaker states and the coloniality of sanctions. For instance, a higher rate of sanction implementation was witnessed in the African and West Asian states, most of which went through the ‘bloody’ state-making process as part of their ‘Third World security predicament’ (Ayoob 1995). This power-play through the sanction regime is also deeply rooted within the colonial construct. Most of these states are erstwhile colonies, an aspect often kept inside the ‘black box’ of international relations. Statistically speaking, while the principal imposers of sanctions, apart from the UN, have consistently been the US, Western Europe, and USSR/Russia throughout history, between 1970 and 1999 about 118 sanctions were imposed, of which 87 were enforced on the African, Asian, Middle Eastern and Latin American countries combined (Elliott 2005: 5). There have been significant changes in the pattern of sanctions since the 1990s. With the end of the Cold War, the usage of sanctions by the US decreased sharply in relative terms and this period witnessed more sanctions from the European Union, Russia, and the United Nations. There was also a perceptible change in the countries that were sanctioned. For instance, while the Soviet Union and its allies were the targets of most of the western sanctions in the 1970s and 1980s, post-Cold War imposition of sanctions by Russia increased against former Soviet Union (FSU) states (Elliott 2005: 5). 

Fourth, while UN sanctions provided the basic framework for the international sanctions regime, they were also imposed unilaterally and supranationally in the face of the UN’s failure to implement sanctions successfully. The bearing influence of the Western bloc has been notable, in this regard, even during the Cold War period. As the torchbearers of the liberal world order, the Western bloc with the United States being the vanguard has time and again used sanctions as a tool of enforcement. It provided them with a humanitarian image while accruing specific interests vis-à-vis the sanctioned states. Of the approximately 60 sanctions imposed in the 1990s, 42 had US involvement, albeit, in tandem with other countries from the Western bloc (Elliott 2005: 4). In addition, there are a few notable instances of unilateral US sanctions that aimed to prevent nuclear weapons proliferation in the 1990s along with the sanctions that were carried forward as the residues of Cold War (Elliott 2005: 4). 

The historical patterns of these sanctions are also evident in the current set of sanctions during the Russia-Ukraine war of 2022. 

Russia-Ukraine War and Sanctions against Russia 
Against the background of the Russia-Ukraine War, and patterns of the international sanctions regime, it is pertinent to address four key questions. First, who is imposing the sanctions? Second, which areas are these sanctions focused on? Third, what are the specifics of the sanctions? Fourth, what is the likely efficacy of the sanctions? This paper addresses these questions by undertaking a sector-wise analysis of sanctions imposed against Russia by states and non-state entities, and their political, economic, and socio-cultural impact. Given that it is a rapidly evolving contemporary scenario, the paper does not aim to exhaustively list all developments surrounding it. Rather, it attempts to provide a conceptual framework within which the impact of sanctions against Russia is contextualised.  

Sanctions by state actors are primarily from the Western bloc as has been the case in the past. Of the close to 54 recorded sanctions imposed by various state actors, the US and the EU unilaterally, and in collaboration with others, have imposed 12 sanctions each against Russia. Most of the sanctions target the Russian energy and finance sector (Funakoshi et. al. 2022). The EU has been a supranational collective whose interest in opposing Russia can be traced back to its 2014 Crimean annexation. Other than the US and EU, there are prominent Western allies including the UK, Canada, Japan, Australia, Singapore, Switzerland, and Finland (Funakoshi et. al. 2022), who have imposed sanctions revealing the Western bias within the sanctions regime. It is important to note that a UNSC sanction against Russia is unlikely, simply due to the Russian veto power. 

Russia’s military prowess, including its nuclear capabilities, prevents kneejerk military reactions even from the Western bloc and works as a significant deterrent against an all-out war. Thus, militarily speaking, it is highly unlikely a full-fledged world war will break out in the current context. Thus, political sanctions against Russia in effect do not necessarily transcend the shunning of diplomatic ties. In the absence of collective military action against Russia, the sanctions against it have primarily targeted its economy by financial and energy-related and private wealth measures against the state and select Russian individuals. 

Apart from state actors, many non-state multi-national companies like Siemens, Nokia, Nestle, McDonald’s, Coca-Cola, Starbucks, and Renault, based in the sanctioning states from the Western bloc, have also severed their relationships with various Russian industrial sectors including technology, automobile, consumer goods, media, energy, and hospitality (Funakoshi et. al. 2022). Notably, more than 1,000 multi-national companies have diminished, suspended, or completely halted operations in Russia. 

While global food chains like McDonald's have declared a permanent withdrawal from the state and are now in the process of selling their established restaurants across Russia, Nestle has hit the Russian consumer sector by announcing the withdrawal of certain brands like KitKat and Nesquik despite continuing to sell essential food items in Russia (BBC 2022). While these have serious implications for the Russian economy, in an age of the rampantly sprouting consumer service providers, particularly Chinese involvement in the manufacturing sector and considerable firm footing of select Russian firms, the impact of sanctions by non-state entities is likely to wither away beyond its immediate effect. There are prominent Western brands like Marks and Spencer, Burger King, and hotel groups such as Marriott and Accor whose business models are premised upon complex franchise set-up, and thus, for these brands pulling out from Russia is not possible due to franchise stakeholders’ interests (BBC 2022).

One of the crudest financial measures so far has been to freeze the Russian central bank assets to prevent it from using its 630bn USD of foreign currency reserves (BBC 2022). While this caused the devaluation of the rouble by 22 per cent and a 14 per cent hike in the Russian inflation rate, Moscow has managed to recover from it to a certain extent by taking measures for forex revenue conversions to the rouble and meeting the financial liabilities (Al-Jazeera 2022). The US sanction preventing Russia from using the 600m USD reserved in US banks, was aimed at incapacitating Russia from making debt payments (BBC 2022). Besides, major Russian banks (Sberbank, the Credit Bank of Moscow and the Russian Agricultural Bank) have been eliminated from the international financial messaging system like Swift and the UK financial system, thereby increasing the delay in payments for the Russian energy exports (BBC 2022).  The debarring from the UK financial system has been accompanied by the freezing of the assets of the Russian banks and prohibiting Russian companies and individuals from borrowing and depositing. 

Another potential jolt to the Russian economic sector comes in the form of slashing the Russian energy export by huge means.  While the US has completely banned Russian oil and gas imports, the UK has promised the phasing out the Russian oil imports by 2022 (BBC 2022; Funakoshi et. al 2022). Germany has also pushed further the plans for opening the Nord Stream II gas pipeline from Russia (BBC 2022). The EU too was contemplating halting Russian coal imports by August, crude oil in six months, and refined product imports by the end of 2022 (BBC 2022). While Russia is the third-largest producer of crude oil in the world, half of its production was being exported to European countries before the sanctions were in place (Horton et. al. 2022). 

US President Joe Biden has not only announced the release of the US oil reserves to recompense for the Russian oil and to prop up the oil sanctions momentum but he is also contemplating lifting the sanctions on Venezuelan oil (Horton et. al. 2022). While the curb on the Russian oil hits the Russian economy hard, its supply of natural gas provides the Russian state with an upper hand. Despite the Ukrainian crisis, Russia has continued its supply of natural gas to many European countries due to their huge dependence on Russian natural gas and the relative absence of favourable and affordable alternatives (Horton et. al. 2022). As of 2021, Russia was the world’s second-largest producer of natural gas in the world after the US and precedes Canada (the third-largest producer) by a huge margin. Most importantly, among the European countries, there is hardly any consensus in terms of curtailing the energy supply from Russia (Horton et. al. 2022). In its attempts at addressing the challenges caused by the sanctions, Russia has issued a strong warning to specific hostile states about the possibility of being made to pay in roubles which makes the import costlier for the importing countries and curbs the depreciation of roubles (Horton et. al. 2022). For instance, Gazprom, one of the most prominent Russian-state-owned energy companies, has warned of stopping the gas supplies to Poland and Bulgaria, unless the payments are received in roubles (Horton et. al. 2022). 

On the other hand, there is a large pool of energy importers who have not resorted to such energy sanctions. While India may try to leverage the low cost of importing Russian energy (Menon 2022), China has been consistent in the import of Russian natural gas in March this year as compared to the previous year, despite a steep decline in China’s overall fuel imports (Reuters 2022). 

Sanctions have also been imposed on Russian individuals. The Western bloc has come together in imposing sanctions against more than 1,000 Russian individuals and businesses by freezing private wealth. Notable oligarchs including Chelsea FC owner Roman Abramovich, Russian government officials, Russian leaders and their relatives including President Vladimir Putin and Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov have been targeted by the means of individual sanctions (BBC 2022). While the UK has stopped issuing ‘golden visas’ for providing residency rights to wealthy Russians, the EU has plans of imposing sanctions against 58 Russians, especially those involved in war crimes involving the capture of Bucha and Mariupol (BBC 2022). 

The pressure on Russia (and Belarus) intensified in significance as well as implications when international sports governing bodies and tournament organisers slapped full or conditional bans on sportspersons, while cultural bodies across the world, including many opera houses, decided to cancel programmes by Russian artists. One of the first bodies to come forth with sanctions was FIFA, which barred Russia and Belarus national football teams from its World Cup qualifiers for the 2022 tournament (BBC Sport 2022). 

The UEFA, the European governing body for football, barred all Russian and Belarussian teams from its club competitions setting a precedent which was followed quickly by many sports including athletics (IAAF) which cancelled the membership of Russia and Belarus federations (BBC Sport 2022). That effectively meant the athletes from these countries could not compete under their national flag. One of the most telling bans came from the International Paralympic Committee (IPC) which did not allow athletes from Russia to compete at the Beijing Winter Games in March even at the cost of flouting the inclusive Paralympic spirit (BBC Sport 2022). 

Wimbledon organisers, heeding Britain's political and economic position in the conflict, banned Russia and Belarus players despite strongly worded condemnation from the professional tennis governing bodies (BBC Sport 2022). The ban, or rather conditional bans in professional sports, highlights a unique trend in the sanctions. While the largely amateur events, those in which the sportspersons are dependent on state support to fuel their careers, slapped bans, the professional ones, possibly considering the economic implications, were more than willing to let Russians compete. For instance, in the US, the National Hockey League (ice-hockey) teams retained their highly-rated Russian players on the rosters and even roped in fresh ones during their annual draft. 

On the cultural front, the bans and boycotts of the artists reopened the chasm that was getting bridged in the post-Cold War era. Artists and celebrities such as Green Day and Louis Tomlinson cancelled events in Russia while many global institutions placed a blanket ban on Russian cultural exports (Khomani 2022). Warner Bros, for instance, delayed releases of films like Turning Red and The Batman in Russia. The Metropolitan Opera and Cannes Film Festival barred what they described as ‘artists close to Vladimir Putin’ from being part of their events (Khomani 2022).

In the media, Spotify suspended free as well as paid streaming in Russia while Live Nation ceased all businesses in the country (Funakoshi et. al 2022). Overall, sanctions against sportspersons and artists, dependent on the state for not just their careers but the safety of themselves and their kith and kin and with little or no say in the country’s political decisions, may hardly deem politically effective. 

Beyond Ukraine: Sanctions in the 2020s
Looking beyond, the question remains on the future of sanctions post the war in Ukraine. Learning from the past and reflecting on the present Ukrainian context, the prognosis of the efficacy of sanctions looks bleak. To be effective, sanctions are heavily dependent on big power consensus upholding the fragility of international cooperation. Therefore, while it has been easier historically to place sanctions on relatively weaker states, it is difficult to contain a country such as Russia with its military and economic prowess through sanctions.  Despite the lack of UNSC consensus, the overwhelming imposition of sanctions in response to Russian aggression also showcases the sense of urgency felt in implementing these. While there are multiple ongoing conflicts across the world, the overt rallying of sanctions in this context is emblematic of the Western centricity in imposing sanctions. For example, though Saudi Arabian involvement in Yemen is explicitly known, the international sanctions regime chose to overlook the same and did so conveniently. 

At the core of the current sanctions regime is a classic example of ‘othering’ those who do not suit Western interests. Most importantly, the ‘othering’ of Russia is an extension of the distrust that has culminated since the Cold War. From a post-colonial perspective, this biased implementation of sanctions may be seen within the larger discourses on racism in international politics, wherein certain states are prioritised over others based on the interplay of intricate power dynamics. While the post-world war history indicates a greater implementation of Western sanctions on relatively weaker states in Africa and Asia, the ‘othering’ of Russia in the present context may also be argued from a Russian racial standpoint. What remains noteworthy is the racial connotation of ‘othering’ rather than the sociological understanding of racism.  

While it is important to acknowledge the significance of the sanctions against Russia in sending a strong message to those who violate international law, the faultline is evident in two places. First, the international sanctions regime is anything but equitable. Second, it has limited effectiveness, especially when implemented against a major power in the world. In other words, the positionality of the aggressor both in terms of its prowess and racial belonging matters in implementing sanctions. While a combination of the Russian racial ‘otherness’ and the Ukrainian racial familiarity invite more sanctions for Russia, the Russian political and economic prowess limits the impact of the Western sanctions and renders them less effective.

Conclusion
Looking ahead, the international sanctions regime is likely to be shaped by the emerging realities in the international system. Given that no country can afford the expenses of wars and conflicts, the space for the collective enforcement of military sanctions would shrink even further. With the ongoing redistribution of global power, especially with China and Russia at the helm of it, even the collective enforcement of UNSC non-military actions is unlikely. This decade would continue witnessing a piece-meal approach to sanctions. More than its efficacy, what remains of it is glaring tokenism. The growing global economic interdependency makes it harder to envisage any holistic success of international sanctions. While the Western centricity of sanctions would continue to signal symbolic efforts made by the Western power bloc to uphold international peace and stability, with the shifting power dynamics in global politics, the efficacy of sanctions gradually diminishes over time. 

References:
1.    “Russia’s Putin says Western sanctions have failed,” Al-Jazeera, 18 April 2022. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/4/18/putin-says-wests-sanctions-blitz-has-failed 
2.    Ayoob, M, “Third World Security Predicament: State Making, Regional Conflict and the International System,” Rienner, 1995.
3.    “What sanctions are being imposed on Russia over Ukraine invasion?,” BBC, 2022. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-60125659 
4.    ‘Ukraine crisis: Which sports have banned Russian athletes?’ BBC Sport, 2022. https://www.bbc.com/sport/60568139#:~:text=Russian%20football%20clubs%20and%20national,out%20of%20the%20Europa%20League. 
5.    Crawford, Neta C, “Trump Card or Theater? An Introduction to Two Sanctions Debates” in Neta C. Crawford and Audie Koltz (eds.) How Sanctions Work: Lessons from South Africa, London: Palgrave Macmillan,” BBC Sport, 2022
6.    Elliott, Kimberly Ann, “Trends in Economic Sanctions Policy: Challenges to Conventional Wisdom’, in Peter Wallensteen and Carina Staibano (eds.) International Sanctions: Between Words and Wars in the Global System,” London: Routledge, 2005.
7.    Farall, Jeremy Matam, “United Nations Sanctions and the Rule of Law,” Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007
8.    Funakoshi, Minami, Hugh Lawson, and Kannaki Deka, “Tracking sanctions against Russia,” Reuters Graphic, 2002 https://graphics.reuters.com/UKRAINE-CRISIS/SANCTIONS/byvrjenzmve/ 
9.    Horton, Jake, Daniele Palumbo and Tim Bowler, “How reliant is the world on Russia for oil and gas?,” BBC News, 2022 https://www.bbc.com/news/58888451 
10.    Khomani, Nadia, “The show can’t go on: Russian arts cancelled worldwide,” The Guardian, 01 March 2022. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/mar/01/the-show-cant-go-on-russian-arts-cancelled-worldwide 
11.    Krasner, S. D, “Structural Causes and Regime Consequences: Regimes as Intervening Variables.” International Organization, 36(2), 1982. pp.185–205. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2706520
12.    Menon, Shruti, “Ukraine crisis: Why India is buying more Russian oil,” BBC News, 26 April 2022. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-60783874
13.    “Data shows China's imports of Russian LNG steady in March despite overall decline,” Reuters, 2022 https://www.reuters.com/world/china/data-shows-chinas-imports-russian-lng-fell-by-third-march-2022-04 20/#:~:text=SINGAPORE%2C%20April%2020%20(Reuters),according%20to%20Chinese%20customs%20data. 
14.    “Charter of the United Nations and Statute of the International Court of Justice. New York: United Nations, Office of Public Information.” UN, 2022.
15.    UNSC (n. d), Sanctions, United Nations Security Council, 2022. https://www.un.org/securitycouncil/sanctions/information 


About the author
The author is an Assistant Professor at the at Centre for Research in Social Sciences, and Education (CeRSSE), in JAIN (Deemed-to-be University), Bangalore

About the author

Assistant Professor, JAIN (Deemed-to-be University), Bangalore


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Nithin V

Pakistan and Press Freedom:
Four takeaways Military influence, cyber laws, political instability, and youth-driven digital journalism
June 2026 | CWA # 2138

Siddhi Halyur

Nepal and Press Freedom:
Three takeaways on Political constraints, Missing legal protection and Funding issues
June 2026 | CWA # 2129

Anu Maria Joseph

Conflicts in Africa This Week:
The Ebola fear in DR Congo and the Elections in Ethiopia amidst conflicts
May 2026 | CWA # 2128

NIAS Global Politics Team

May 2026 | CWA # 2126

Aparna A Nair

The Shenzhou-23 Mission:
China's Space Missions, Technology, and Infrastructure
May 2026 | CWA # 2124

Glynnis Winona B

The Crisis in Cuba:
The US Sanctions, Energy Crisis, and Economic Instability
May 2026 | CWA # 2123

Akshath Kaimal

The Ebola and the DR Congo:
Multiple Outbreaks, Fragile Healthcare System, and Ineffective Global Responses
May 2026 | CWA # 2122

Radhika M Agarwal

The War in Ukraine:
Ballistic missiles, Nuclear drills with Belarus, and the Czech ammunition initiative
May 2026 | CWA # 2120

Brighty Ann Sarah

Conflicts in the Middle East
The US-Iran War Week Thirteen: Escalating Hostilities, Tenuous Ceasefire and Tense Negotiations
May 2026 | CWA # 2119

Anu Maria Joseph

Conflicts in Africa
The Ebola spread in DR Congo, The Faye-Sonko split in Senegal, and the Deepening US military involvement in Nigeria
May 2026 | CWA # 2117

Lekshmi MK

Arctic cooperation, Climate diplomacy, and Trade diversification
May 2026 | CWA # 2116

Yesasvi Koganti

Deepening Energy, AI, Defence, and Maritime Cooperation
May 2026 | CWA # 2115

Aparna A Nair

The Putin-Xi Summit
Trade, Technology, Security, and Pipeline
May 2026 | CWA # 2114

Glynnis Winona B

What makes the UAE a global player?
Explaining the Governance, Economy, People, and Strategic Influence of a Small Middle Eastern State
May 2026 | CWA # 2113

Aishal Hab Yousuf

Sri Lanka and the US-Iran War:
Rising oil imports, Austerity measures and State capacity
May 2026 | CWA # 2111

NIAS Global Politics Team

The Trump-Xi Summit
The Africa Forward Summit 2026 I North Korea's Constitutional Amendment 2026
May 2026 | CWA # 2110

Aishal Hab Yousuf

The Trump-Xi Summit:
Managing Strategic Competition through Trade, Technology, and Diplomacy
May 2026 | CWA # 2105

Rohini Reenum

Four reasons why Tehran insists on including Hezbollah
May 2026 | CWA # 2103

Akshath Kaimal

Complex Geography, Multiple Insurgencies, and an Escalating Humanitarian Crisis
May 2026 | CWA # 2092

NIAS Global Politics Team

The US-Iran War, Week Ten
CW Column on Middle East: Escalating Israeli Aggression in Lebanon I UAE's Covert Manoeuvres
May 2026 | CWA # 2091

Brighty Ann Sarah

Conflicts in the Middle East:
Escalating Israeli Aggression in Lebanon I UAEs Covert Manoeuvres
May 2026 | CWA # 2090

Brighty Ann Sarah

The US-Iran War, Week Ten:
Fraying Ceasefire, Renewed Negotiations and the Risk of a Stalemate
May 2026 | CWA # 2088

Nithin V

King Charles's US Visit:
Emphasis on strong bilateral relations, democratic values and security cooperation
May 2026 | CWA # 2086

Aishal Hab Yousuf

UAE's Exit from OPEC:
Implications for the Middle East and the Energy Market
May 2026 | CWA # 2083

Brighty Ann Sarah

The US-Iran War, Week Nine:
Deadlocked Negotiations, Competing Agendas and Domestic Pressure
May 2026 | CWA # 2082

Akshath Kaimal

Escalating Violence in Mali:
Between Ethnic Insurgencies, Jihadist Attacks, and Military Coups
April 2026 | CWA # 2079

Aishal Hab Yousuf

Japans New Defence Posture:
From Post-War Pacifism to Strategic Recalibration and Autonomy
April 2026 | CWA # 2074

Brighty Ann Sarah

Israel-Lebanon Ceasefire:
Asymmetric Terms, Fragile Truce and Israeli Occupation
April 2026 | CWA # 2073

Akshath Kaimal

The US-Iran War, Week Eight:
A Fragile Ceasefire, Attempts to Control Hormuz and the Stalled Talks in Islamabad
April 2026 | CWA # 2072

Anu Maria Joseph

Three Years of War in Sudan
Prolonged Stalemate, Humanitarian Cost, External Interventions and Regional Fallouts
April 2026 | CWA # 2069

Padmashree Anandhan

The War in Ukraine
Expanding Drone Warfare, Russia's Strategic Patience and Ukraine's Diplomatic Outreach
April 2026 | CWA # 2068

Femy Francis 

China-Japan Tensions
Escalating Defence Posturing and Economic Decoupling
April 2026 | CWA # 2067

Anu Maria Joseph

Conflicts in Africa
Continuing Conflicts in Sudan, South Sudan and DR Congo, Security issues in Nigeria, and Political Instability in Madagascar
April 2026 | CWA # 2066

Akshath Kaimal

The Pakistan-Afghanistan Conflict
Recurrent Clashes, Defiant Taliban, Contesting Narratives and Emerging Chinas Role
April 2026 | CWA # 2065

Lakshmi Venugopal Menon

The Middle East (JanMar 2026):
The US-Iran War, Israel-Hamas Conflict and their interconnected fallouts
April 2026 | CWA # 2064

Anwesha Ghosh

Afghanistan (JanMar 2026):
Gender Repression, Leadership Rifts, Regional Realignments and Clashes with Pakistan
April 2026 | CWA # 2063

Ramya B

Russia (Jan-Mar 2026)
Assertive Military Posture, Attempts for an Economic Turnaround and Search for Partners
April 2026 | CWA # 2062

Himani Pant

Europe (Jan-Mar 2026)
Trade diversification & FTAs, Increased defence spending, Tightening irregular migration and Economic slowdown
April 2026 | CWA # 2061

S Shaji

Africa (Jan-Mar 2026)
Elections, Civil Wars, Militancy and Peace Initiatives
April 2026 | CWA # 2058

Nishchal N Pandey  & Mahesh Raj Bhatta

Nepal (Jan-Mar 2026)
Political Upheaval, Generational Change and Economic Uncertainty
April 2026 | CWA # 2057

Bibhu Prasad Routray

Myanmar (Jan-Mar 2026)
An Illegitimate Regime's Consolidation Game
April 2026 | CWA # 2056

Ashik J Bonofer

Southeast Asia (Jan-Mar 2026)
Deteriorating situation in Myanmar, Philippines as the ASEAN Chair, New government in Thailand, and Economic & Environmental challenges
April 2026 | CWA # 2055

Haans J Freddy

East Asia (Jan-Mar 2026)
Chinas military operations near Taiwan, Japan-China tensions and South Koreas security challenges
April 2026 | CWA # 2054

Amrita Jash

Chinas External Landscape (Jan-Mar 2026):
Regional assertion, Pragmatic recalibration with the West and Avoiding military entanglement in the Middle East
April 2026 | CWA # 2052

Shreya Upadhyay

The United States(Jan-Mar2026)
Tariffs, Ukraine, Iran and Operationalization of Trumps World Order
March 2026 | CWA # 2042

Preetha Renganarayanan

Five Takeaways of the US Annual Threat Assessment (ATA) Report for 2026
March 2026 | CWA # 2039

Femy Francis

Trump-Xi Meeting
Why did Trump reschedule it? What does that mean?
March 2026 | CWA # 2035

Akshath Kaimal

Pakistan-Afghanistan Conflict
Broken ceasefire, Expanding military strikes and Worsening humanitarian situation
March 2026 | CWA # 2033

Mahesh Bhatta

Nepal after elections:
Five major challenges for the new government
March 2026 | CWA # 2024

Lekshmi MK

The UN and the Iran-US War
UNSC Resolution 2817 between Clear and Unified Message and Manifest Injustice
March 2026 | CWA # 2023

Femy Francis

Chinas Two Sessions 2026
New Five-Year Plan, Ethnic Unity Law, and an Enhanced Defence Budget
March 2026 | CWA # 2019

Akshath Kaimal

Rising Violence in Nigeria
Limited State Capacity, Multiple Actors, and a Complex Security Environment
March 2026 | CWA # 2012

Padmashree Anandhan

The War in Ukraine
Long-range strikes, Defence adaptation and the EUs energy dependence
March 2026 | CWA # 2010

Mahesh Bhatta

Nepal Elections 2026
The Rise of the New and the Fall of the Old
March 2026 | CWA # 2009

Sreemaya Nair

Nepal Elections 2026
Rise of a new leadership and Reset in political landscape
March 2026 | CWA # 2004

Akshath Kaimal

The Forgotten South Sudan Conflict
Instability returns, with a fragile peace agreement, uptick in violence and limited international engagement
March 2026 | CWA # 2003

Yesasvi Koganti

PM Modis Visit to Israel
From bilateral ties to a special strategic partnership
March 2026 | CWA # 2001

Preetha Renganarayanan

Six major takeaways on the economy, border and internal security and Iran
February 2026 | CWA # 1998

Anu Maria Joseph

Instability in Sudan
Response to the genocide call and the threats of a regional spillover
February 2026 | CWA # 1986

Preetha Renganarayanan

Focus on Trade, Defense, Energy and Regional Connectivity
February 2026 | CWA # 1985

Abhimanyu Solanki

Basant in Pakistan
The return of Basant, and what it signifies
February 2026 | CWA # 1977

Anu Maria Joseph

Violence in Nigeria
US military deployment amidst worsening insurgency
February 2026 | CWA # 1976

Lekshmi MK

The War in Ukraine
The Geneva Talks and Growing Negotiation Asymmetry
December 2025 | CWA # 1971

Vani Vyshnavi Jupudi

Pakistan Budget 2025-26
Legislating stabilisation under IMF discipline and coalition constraints
December 2025 | CWA # 1970

Aparna A Nair

Pakistan & China
Ten Years of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)
November 2025 | CWA # 1968

Vani Vyshnavi Jupudi

Pakistan and the US
A New opening, or another cycle?
February 2026 | CWA # 1959

Yesasvi Koganti

UK and China
PM Keir Starmers visit and the Recalibration of Economic, Strategic, and Domestic ties
January 2026 | CWA # 1946

Preetha Renganarayanan

The Davos Summit 2026
Five Major Takeaways from The World Economic Forum
December 2025 | CWA # 1931

Padmashree Anandhan

NATO Summit 2025
December 2025 | CWA # 1924

Padmashree Anandhan

NATO Summit 2025
December 2025 | CWA # 1914

Preetha Renganarayanan

November 2025 | CWA # 1841

IPRI Team

October 2025 | CWA # 1828

Brighty Ann Sarah

October 2025 | CWA # 1827

GP Team

September 2025 | CWA # 1819

Ayan Datta

Africa
September 2025 | CWA # 1816

Brighty Ann Sarah

The Middle East
September 2025 | CWA # 1815

Anshuman Behera

South Asia
September 2025 | CWA # 1814

Anshuman Behera

South Asia
September 2025 | CWA # 1812

Kasvi Batra

China, East Asia and Southeast Asia
August 2025 | CWA # 1801

R Preetha

28 August 1963
Martin Luther King's "I Have a Dream" speech and the Civil Rights Movement in the US
August 2025 | CWA # 1796

Ditipriya Ghosh

August 2025 | CWA # 1795

Anu Maria Joseph

August 2025 | CWA # 1790

GP Team

The World This Week#323-324
The Trump-Putin meeting & the US-China tariff extension
August 2025 | CWA # 1787

Abhiruchi Chowdhury

What is the background? And what does it mean?
August 2025 | CWA # 1786

Astha Panda

Fewer births, Smaller families and Out-migration
August 2025 | CWA # 1780

Abhiruchi Chowdhury

Trump tariffs:
Weaponization of access to the US economy
August 2025 | CWA # 1779

GP Team

The World This Week#322
US tariffs on India, Brazil and Canada & the EU-US trade deal
August 2025 | CWA # 1778

Lekshmi MK

28 July 1914
Austria-Hungary declares war on Serbia, starting the First World War
July 2025 | CWA # 1773

Lekshmi MK

July 2025 | CWA # 1772

Kasvi Batra

Another setback for the ruling party
July 2025 | CWA # 1771

Swati Sood

Prioritizing Neighbors
July 2025 | CWA # 1770

Abhiruchi Chowdhury

Pakistan-Afghanistan relations:
Why the focus on terrorism, refugees, and Uzbekistan as the third partner?
July 2025 | CWA # 1769

GP Team

The World This Week#321
Indian PM Modi's visit to the Maldives I Elections to the Upper House in Japan
July 2025 | CWA # 1768

IPRI Team

July 2025 | CWA # 1767

Naomi Miriam Mathew

Minerals, Markets, and Military
July 2025 | CWA # 1765

Kasvi Batra

Balancing Economic Interests, Strategic Tensions and a Soft Power Recalibration
July 2025 | CWA # 1762

Lekshmi MK

What is the phenomenon? What are its effects? And who are more vulnerable?
July 2025 | CWA # 1760

NIAS Global Politics Team

July 2025 | CWA # 1759

Padmashree Anandhan

July 2025 | CWA # 1750

Swati Sood

July 2025 | CWA # 1749

R Preetha

Africa as the Hunger Epicenter
Of the 13 Global Hunger Hotspots, 8 are in Africa: Five reasons why
July 2025 | CWA # 1744

Chittrothu Vaihali

EU-Canada Summit 2025
What is security and defence partnership all about?
July 2025 | CWA # 1743

M Kejia

A Significant Visit for a Road to Strategic Partnership
July 2025 | CWA # 1742

IPRI Team

Conflict Weekly # 287-88
The 12 Day War and the Congo-Rwanda Peace Deal
July 2025 | CWA # 1739

Swati Sood 

Why now, what next?
July 2025 | CWA # 1738

Fleur Elizabeth Philip

Thailand and Cambodia
What was the phone call between PM Shinawatra and President of Senate Hun Sen? What is the border dispute between the two? Why has this become an issue?
June 2025 | CWA # 1735

Padmashree Anandhan

NATO Summit 2025:
Trump making Europe great again
June 2025 | CWA # 1734

GP Team

The World This Week #317
NATO Summit 2025 and Russia-Mali bilateral agreements
June 2025 | CWA # 1733

Ananya Dinesh

What was the recent China-PIC joint statement about? What it says, and what it means?
June 2025 | CWA # 1731

Farhaz Rashid Ahmed

Where does the Black Lives Matter Movement stand today?
June 2025 | CWA # 1728

M Kejia

G7 Summit 2025:
The Focus on the Middle East and Trade negotiations
June 2025 | CWA # 1726

GP Team

The World This Week #316
China-Central Asia Summit in Kazakhstan, and the G7 Summit in Canada
June 2025 | CWA # 1725

Brighty Ann Sarah, R Preetha, Santhiya M, Aparna A Nair & M Kejia

Operation Midnight Hammer: US bombs three nuclear sites in Iran
What were the three Iranian nuclear sites that were targeted? What are the B2 Bombers and Bunker Buster Bombs? What do these attacks mean? What Next?
June 2025 | CWA # 1724

IPRI Team

Conflict Weekly #286
The Spiralling Israel-Iran Crisis, and the Dangerous Hunger Hotspots
June 2025 | CWA # 1722

Rizwana Banu S

Why is Diego Garcia important to the US?
June 2025 | CWA # 1721

Rizwana Banu S and Santhiya M

Who are the Afrikaners?
Why is Trump interested in the Afrikaner question in South Africa?
June 2025 | CWA # 1720

Lekshmi MK

New WMO Report on Arctic Warming
What are the social, economic and environmental implications of Arctic warming
June 2025 | CWA # 1719

J Yamini  

What contributes to the rise of BYD
June 2025 | CWA # 1717

J Yamini

Gender Violence in Pakistan:
What are the larger issues in the Noor Mukadam case?
June 2025 | CWA # 1715

Femy Francis

The US-China:
On Tariffs, Rare Earths and Visas
June 2025 | CWA # 1713

GP Team

The World This Week #315
The UN Ocean Conference in France and the US-China Meeting in London
June 2025 | CWA # 1711

Gauri Gupta

June 2025 | CWA # 1709

IPRI Team

Conflict Weekly #284-285
Cambodia-Thailand Border Tensions, Protests in the US, and the Indigenous Mori question in New Zealand
June 2025 | CWA # 1708

Santhiya M

The RPP and UML showcase their strength in the streets of Kathmandu
June 2025 | CWA # 1706

Merin Treesa Alex

Instability to possible stability
June 2025 | CWA # 1705

GP Team

The World This Week #314
Elections in South Korea and Poland I China and the Pacific Island Countries I Bangladesh Election Announcement 2026
June 2025 | CWA # 1702

Lekshmi MK

June 2025 | CWA # 1701

Santhiya M

June 2025 | CWA # 1700

R Preetha

Ethiopia bans the TPLF
What does the TPLF ban mean for the Pretoria agreement? What next for Ethiopia?
June 2025 | CWA # 1698

Gauri Gupta

June 2025 | CWA # 1694

Aashish Ganeshan

The US:
Harvard vs Trump Administration
June 2025 | CWA # 1693

Fleur Elizabeth Philip

The focus on Politics, Trade and Defence
June 2025 | CWA # 1691

GP Team

The World This Week #313
China-ASEAN-GCC Summit I President Macron's visit to South East Asia I Trump Vs Harvard
May 2025 | CWA # 1690

GP Team

The World This Week #312
Elections in Romania, Portugal & Poland I UK-EU Summit
May 2025 | CWA # 1689

Padmashree Anandhan

Ukraine
May 2025 | CWA # 1688

Ayan Datta

Gaza
May 2025 | CWA # 1685

Aparna A Nair

UK-EU Summit:
First step towards a reset
May 2025 | CWA # 1684

Farhaz Rashid Ahmed

No clear winners, yet
May 2025 | CWA # 1683

Aashish Ganeshan

Elections in Portugal:
The Rise of Chega Party and the Search for Political Stability
May 2025 | CWA # 1680

Padmashree Anandhan

May 2025 | CWA # 1678

Gauri Gupta

China in Latin America
China-CELAC forum: Strengthening ties with Latin America and Caribbean
May 2025 | CWA # 1677

GP Team

The World This Week #310-311
China in Latin America and the Carribbean I Trump's Middle East Visit I Denmark as the new Arctic Chair
May 2025 | CWA # 1675

Lekshmi MK

Turkey:
PKK disbands after 40 years of armed insurgency
May 2025 | CWA # 1674

Anu Maria Joseph

May 2025 | CWA # 1673

Padmashree Anandhan

Ukraine:
The Discussion in Turkiye and the Elusive Ceasefire
May 2025 | CWA # 1671

Abhiruchi Chowdhury

US, Ukraine and Russia:
Air attacks amidst a Minerals deal and Ceasefire Proposals
May 2025 | CWA # 1669

Vani Vyshnavi Jupudi

On Memory, Justice, Diplomacy, Strategy, and Narratives
May 2025 | CWA # 1667

R Preetha and Brighty Ann Sarah

East Asia:
Tough Tariff Negotiations with the US
May 2025 | CWA # 1666

Padmashree Anandhan

The US-Ukraine
The mineral deal with the US
May 2025 | CWA # 1665
Conflict Weekly # 280-81
India-Pakistan De-escalation I Ukraine Discussion in Istanbul I The Battle over Port Sudan I Disbanding of PKK in Turkiye I France-Algeria Diplomatic Tensions
May 2025 | CWA # 1663

R Preetha

Canada Elections 2025:
What do the results convey? What next for Mark Carney?
April 2025 | CWA # 1658

GP Team

April 2025 | CWA # 1657

Abhishiktha S Kumar

Who wants the King to return and who opposes it?
April 2025 | CWA # 1655

IPRI Team

April 2025 | CWA # 1642

Esther Gamako Zugwai

March 2025 | CWA # 1641

Vani Vyshnavi Jupudi

March 2025 | CWA # 1639

Anu Maria Joseph

March 2025 | CWA # 1634

Nuha Aamina

March 2025 | CWA # 1622

GP Team

March 2025 | CWA # 1621

Vaneeta

March 2025 | CWA # 1613

Abhiruchi Chowdhury

March 2025 | CWA # 1609

IPRI Team

January 2025 | CWA # 1594

Ayan Datta

February 2025 | CWA # 1592

South Asia Brief Team

February 2025 | CWA # 1591

GP Team

February 2025 | CWA # 1590

IPRI Team

December 2024 | CWA # 1579

Sayeka Ghosh

January 2025 | CWA # 1573

Vaneeta

January 2025 | CWA # 1570

Vaneeta

January 2025 | CWA # 1565

GP Team

January 2025 | CWA # 1563

IPRI Team

January 2025 | CWA # 1562

Ayan Datta

December 2024 | CWA # 1555

Nupur Priya

November 2024 | CWA # 1544

Ayan Datta

November 2024 | CWA # 1537

Rohini Reenum

October 2024 | CWA # 1522

Advik S Mohan

October 2024 | CWA # 1480

IPRI Team

October 2024 | CWA # 1479

GP Team

September 2024 | CWA # 1476

Advik S Mohan

September 2024 | CWA # 1472

IPRI Team

August 2024 | CWA # 1465

IPRI Team

August 2024 | CWA # 1458

Samruddhi Pathak

August 2024 | CWA # 1457

Padmashree Anandhan

August 2024 | CWA # 1448

IPRI Team

August 2024 | CWA # 1446

IPRI Team

August 2024 | CWA # 1445

Anu Maria Joseph

August 2024 | CWA # 1444

Ayan Datta

August 2024 | CWA # 1442

Vetriselvi Baskaran

August 2024 | CWA # 1437

Prajwal T V

August 2024 | CWA # 1427

Ken B Varghese

July 2024 | CWA # 1416

GP Team

July 2024 | CWA # 1413

Ramya B

July 2024 | CWA # 1404

Vetriselvi Baskaran

July 2024 | CWA # 1392

Ayan Datta

June 2024 | CWA # 1377

GP Team

June 2024 | CWA # 1368

Ayan Datta & Sayeka Ghosh

June 2024 | CWA # 1355

GP Team

June 2024 | CWA # 1349

Padmashree Anandhan

June 2024 | CWA # 1339

LS Hareesh

May 2024 | CWA # 1336

Femy Francis

May 2024 | CWA # 1330

Akhil Ajith

May 2024 | CWA # 1321

Akhil Ajith

May 2024 | CWA # 1320

Femy Francis

May 2024 | CWA # 1318

Akhil Ajith

May 2024 | CWA # 1311

Akhil Ajith

May 2024 | CWA # 1310

Dhriti Mukherjee

May 2024 | CWA # 1308

GP Team

May 2024 | CWA # 1307

IPRI Team

April 2024 | CWA # 1286

Karthik Manoharan

April 2024 | CWA # 1282

Femy Francis

April 2024 | CWA # 1275

Ramya B

April 2024 | CWA # 1273

GP Team

April 2024 | CWA # 1265

Devi Chandana M

March 2024 | CWA # 1251

NIAS Africa Team

Africa This Week
March 2024 | CWA # 1246

Sivasubramanian K

March 2024 | CWA # 1243

GP Team

February 2024 | CWA # 1226

NIAS Africa Team

Africa This Week
January 2024 | CWA # 1211

Bibhu Prasad Routray

January 2024 | CWA # 1199

GP Team

November 2023 | CWA # 1152

GP Team

November 2023 | CWA # 1150

NIAS Africa Team

November 2023 | CWA # 1149

Sneha Surendran

November 2023 | CWA # 1148

GP Team

November 2023 | CWA # 1146

IPRI Team

November 2023 | CWA # 1142

GP Team

November 2023 | CWA # 1140

GP Team

July 2023 | CWA # 1114

Prerana P

June 2023 | CWA # 1113

CR Team

October 2023 | CWA # 1091

Annem Naga Bindhu Madhuri

Issues for Europe
October 2023 | CWA # 1090

Yogeswari S

October 2023 | CWA # 1087

PR Team

October 2023 | CWA # 1083

GP Team

September 2023 | CWA # 1076

IPRI Team

September 2023 | CWA # 1071

Dhriti Mukherjee

August 2023 | CWA # 1070

Ankit Singh

September 2023 | CWA # 1067

PR Team

September 2023 | CWA # 1062

Feben Itty

September 2023 | CWA # 1061

Genesy B

September 2023 | CWA # 1060

Sreeja JS

August 2023 | CWA # 1049

IPRI Team

August 2023 | CWA # 1045

NIAS Africa Team

August 2023 | CWA # 1043

Sneha Surendran

August 2023 | CWA # 1042

Nithyashree RB

August 2023 | CWA # 1038

Anu Maria Joseph

August 2023 | CWA # 1036

NIAS Africa Team

August 2023 | CWA # 1024

NIAS Africa Team

July 2023 | CWA # 1022

Ankita Dutta

July 2023 | CWA # 1019

Sneha Surendran

July 2023 | CWA # 1016

Medini Hegde

July 2023 | CWA # 1015

Ramya Balasubramanian

July 2023 | CWA # 1009

GP Team

July 2023 | CWA # 1008

IPRI Team

June 2023 | CWA # 985

GP Team

June 2023 | CWA # 977

NIAS Africa Team

June 2023 | CWA # 976

Jerry Franklin

June 2023 | CWA # 974

Akshaya S

June 2023 | CWA # 968

Rishika Yadav and Nityashree RB

May 2023 | CWA # 955

Amit Gupta

May 2023 | CWA # 953

GP Team

May 2023 | CWA # 952

Rishika Yadav

April 2023 | CWA # 943

NIAS Africa Team

April 2023 | CWA # 935

GP Team

March 2023 | CWA # 931

Himani Pant

March 2023 | CWA # 929

IPRI Team

March 2023 | CWA # 927

Indrani Talukdar

January 2023 | CWA # 922

Bhoomika Sesharaj

January 2023 | CWA # 921

Abigail Miriam Fernandez

March 2023 | CWA # 919

NIAS Africa Team

January 2023 | CWA # 901

Riya Itisha Ekka

January 2023 | CWA # 900

Apoorva Sudhakar

January 2023 | CWA # 899

Sayani Rana

January 2023 | CWA # 892

IPRI Team

January 2023 | CWA # 891

NIAS Africa Team

December 2022 | CWA # 886

Sethuraman Nadarajan

December 2022 | CWA # 879

Padmashree Anandhan

The Ukraine War
December 2022 | CWA # 872

Sapna Elsa Abraham

November 2022 | CWA # 848

Vignesh Ram

November 2022 | CWA # 838

Rishma Banerjee

Tracing Europe's droughts
November 2022 | CWA # 836

Padmashree Anandhan

November 2022 | CWA # 833

Rishma Banerjee

November 2022 | CWA # 814

IPRI Team

October 2022 | CWA # 809

Padmashree Anandhan

October 2022 | CWA # 808

Devjyoti Saha

October 2022 | CWA # 807

Dr Beena

October 2022 | CWA # 794

GP Team

September 2022 | CWA # 786

GP Team

July 2022 | CWA # 769

NIAS Africa Team

July 2022 | CWA # 762

Padmashree Anandhan

July 2022 | CWA # 760

GP Team

July 2022 | CWA # 759

IPRI Team

July 2022 | CWA # 757

IPRI Team

July 2022 | CWA # 756

NIAS Africa Team

June 2022 | CWA # 751

NIAS Africa Team

June 2022 | CWA # 743

NIAS Africa Team

April 2022 | CWA # 724

IPRI Team

April 2022 | CWA # 723

STIR Team

April 2022 | CWA # 720

GP Team

April 2022 | CWA # 719

IPRI Team

March 2022 | CWA # 707

GP Team

March 2022 | CWA # 706

IPRI Team

March 2022 | CWA # 705

NIAS Africa Team

In Focus: Libya
March 2022 | CWA # 703

IPRI Team

March 2022 | CWA # 701

GP Team

March 2022 | CWA # 697

Avishka Ashok

March 2022 | CWA # 696

Nireekshan Bollimpalli 

March 2022 | CWA # 695

IPRI Team

March 2022 | CWA # 693

PR Team

March 2022 | CWA # 692

GP Team

March 2022 | CWA # 691

IPRI Team

February 2022 | CWA # 689

GP Team

February 2022 | CWA # 688

Padmashree Anandhan

February 2022 | CWA # 685

IPRI Team

February 2022 | CWA # 683
February 2022 | CWA # 682

IPRI Team

February 2022 | CWA # 679

Porkkodi Ganeshpandian and Angkuran Dey

February 2022 | CWA # 678

Ashwin Immanuel Dhanabalan 

February 2022 | CWA # 668

Amit Gupta

January 2022 | CWA # 653

STIR Team

January 2022 | CWA # 645

Ankit Singh

January 2022 | CWA # 640

Ankit Singh

January 2022 | CWA # 639

Abigail Miriam Fernandez

January 2022 | CWA # 638

Sneha M

December 2021 | CWA # 630

GP Team

Europe in 2021
November 2021 | CWA # 613

GP Team

November 2021 | CWA # 610

Abigail Miriam Fernandez

November 2021 | CWA # 602

D. Suba Chandran

October 2021 | CWA # 595

Joeana Cera Matthews 

October 2021 | CWA # 593

Harini Madhusudhan

October 2021 | CWA # 590

Sneha M

October 2021 | CWA # 588

Abigail Miriam Fernandez

TLP is back again
October 2021 | CWA # 586

Apoorva Sudhakar

October 2021 | CWA # 584

Abigail Miriam Fernandez

September 2021 | CWA # 560

Apoorva Sudhakar

September 2021 | CWA # 550

Joeana Cera Matthews 

September 2021 | CWA # 547

Lokendra Sharma

August 2021 | CWA # 539

STIR Team

August 2021 | CWA # 533

Dincy Adlakha

August 2021 | CWA # 532

Sarthak Jain

August 2021 | CWA # 528

STIR Team

Space Tourism
July 2021 | CWA # 512

Mohamad Aseel Ummer

July 2021 | CWA # 503

GP Team

June 2021 | CWA # 498

Gurpreet Singh

May 2021 | CWA # 467

Lokendra Sharma

May 2021 | CWA # 464

GP Team

April 2021 | CWA # 456

GP Team

March 2021 | CWA # 440

IPRI Team

February 2021 | CWA # 436

IPRI Team

February 2021 | CWA # 434

Abigail Miriam Fernandez

February 2021 | CWA # 428

Abigail Miriam Fernandez

February 2021 | CWA # 427

Apoorva Sudhakar

February 2021 | CWA # 424

GP Team

January 2021 | CWA # 415

GP Team

January 2021 | CWA # 411

D Suba Chandran

December 2020 | CWA # 405

Mallika Devi

December 2020 | CWA # 404

Harini Madhusudan

December 2020 | CWA # 403

Kamna Tiwary

December 2020 | CWA # 400

Sourina Bej

November 2020 | CWA # 369

IPRI Team

September 2020 | CWA # 337

Anju Annie Mammen

September 2020 | CWA # 336

Harini Madhusudan

September 2020 | CWA # 335

Sourina Bej

August 2020 | CWA # 320

IPRI Team

June 2020 | CWA # 304

Padmashree A

May 2020 | CWA # 295

GP Team

May 2020 | CWA # 293

Boa Wang

May 2020 | CWA # 288

Adnan Aziz Chowdhury

May 2020 | CWA # 286

Boa Wang

May 2020 | CWA # 283

GP Team

April 2020 | CWA # 277

IPRI Team

April 2020 | CWA # 272

GP Team

April 2020 | CWA # 271

IPRI Team

April 2020 | CWA # 259

GP Team

April 2020 | CWA # 255

GP Team

April 2020 | CWA # 253

IPRI Team

March 2020 | CWA # 250

Rashmi Ramesh

March 2020 | CWA # 240

GP Team

March 2020 | CWA # 239

IPRI Team

February 2020 | CWA # 235

Lakshmi V Menon

February 2020 | CWA # 212

GP Team

January 2020 | CWA # 209

Boa Wang

January 2020 | CWA # 208

Vivek Mishra

December 2019 | CWA # 196

Harini Madhusudan

November 2019 | CWA # 179

Rashmi Ramesh

October 2019 | CWA # 178

Sourina Bej

September 2019 | CWA # 164

GP Team

September 2019 | CWA # 162

Lakshman Chakravarthy N

5G: A Primer
September 2019 | CWA # 161

Rashmi Ramesh

July 2019 | CWA # 147

Vivek Mishra

June 2019 | CWA # 134

Sourina Bej

June 2019 | CWA # 133

Harini Madhusudan

June 2019 | CWA # 126

Jerin George

June 2019 | CWA # 124

GP Team

May 2019 | CWA # 117

Sourina Bej

May 2019 | CWA # 114

GP Team

May 2019 | CWA # 113

GP Team

April 2019 | CWA # 111

GP Team

January 2019 | CWA # 80

Abhishrut Singh

January 2019 | CWA # 78

Kriti

January 2019 | CWA # 77

Komal Tiwary

December 2018 | CWA # 71

Mahesh Bhatta

Nepal
December 2018 | CWA # 70

Nasima Khatoon

The Maldives
December 2018 | CWA # 69

Harini Madhusudan

India
December 2018 | CWA # 68

Sourina Bej

Bangladesh
December 2018 | CWA # 67

Seetha Lakshmi Dinesh Iyer

Afghanistan
September 2018 | CWA # 58

Aparupa Bhattacherjee

August 2018 | CWA # 52

Oishee Majumdar

July 2018 | CWA # 47

Rahul Arockiaraj

July 2018 | CWA # 40

Rahul Arockiaraj

June 2018 | CWA # 26

Siddhatti Mehta

June 2018 | CWA # 21

Harini Madhusudan

May 2018 | CWA # 8

Samreen Wani

May 2018 | CWA # 1

Samreen Wani