Interview with Ambassador Pankaj Saran | War in Ukraine

Interview with Ambassador Pankaj Saran | War in Ukraine
What next for Russia, Ukraine, Europe, South Asia & India, and China

Harini Madhusudan, Rishma Banerjee, Padmashree Anandhan, Ashwin Immanuel Dhanabalan, and Avishka Ashok
26 November 2022
Photo Source: NIAS Team

I Russia

Harini Madhusudan: While EU, NATO have come forth and announced sanctions, the larger international organizations (except UNHRC) have remained silent over the war in the region. Is there a reason to this silence? Should we then assume that the war is between NATO and Russia? (This is referring to the active support of many countries in supplying intelligence, weapons and other things.) This is because many of these countries are giving Ukraine access to high- end ammunition and weaponry.

Amb Pankaj Saran: As far as the United Nations is concerned, there are laid down procedures on which organizations will be responsible for international peace and security. The primary organization is the Security Council. Other organs and specialised bodies like on trade or health or migration have their own mandates. For example, when you look at the flow of refugees, then the UNHCR has a role to play because there is a flow of refugees from Ukraine to its neighbours along with the question of the internally displaced persons.

As far as the reaction of the world is concerned countries across the globe have by and large maintained silence over the conflict. Countries that have taken frontal positions are basically the parties to the conflict, which are the Europeans, members of NATO, the US and its allies such as Japan, Australia and South Korea. There is a contest underway to shape an architecture of European security in which Russia is a major stakeholder. What is happening in Ukraine today is the culmination of several years of a proxy war to establish or promote the security of one country at the expense of another. The Russian position is that security cannot be one-sided. Russia wants security to be equal, and indivisible. The first warning signs came from the Russian perspective in 2014 when the pro-Russian President was dislodged and replaced by someone who wanted close relations with Europe. From 2014 to 2022, there have been several negotiations between the Russians and Europe, including France and Germany and NATO. The fact that we have reached this stage today is a reflection of the failure of diplomacy and the fault for that lies on all sides. There is a NATO-Russia standoff, in which Ukraine has become a battleground. Additionally, there are differences between Europe and the United States, and within Europe itself. It is also a function of domestic politics within the United States. The US had a fairly different policy towards Ukraine under the Trump Administration as compared to Democrats. But India should be able to step aside and take an objective of the situation. You will not find a solution or an equilibrium unless and until all sides are reasonably assured that their vital security interests are protected.

Harini Madhusudan: The Global Energy crisis began before the tensions that preceded the War. We know that the European countries had already been spending a lot to ease energy related inflation. Isolating Russian oil imports in the context of Biden stopping one of their pipelines and the drilling of natural gas in the US... would be a grave scenario for the oil and petroleum industry. One can see this energy supply being controlled. And we're also seeing them applying sanctions on Russia. While Russia remains the biggest supplier of oil, the sanctions attempt to stop supplies from the Russian side. How do we see this as an energy crisis? And how will it impact the rest of the world, India or China?

Amb Pankaj Saran: Historically, Russia was the largest supplier of gas to Europe, even when it was the Soviet Union. A whole network of pipelines and dependencies was built. Some countries like Germany were much more dependent. Ukraine was a transit point for taking this gas to Europe. Consumer countries are now using energy as a weapon to weaken Russia and its economic base. It is difficult to say what is the end objective of weakening Russia or crippling its oil and gas industry. Europe’s decision to reduce its dependency on Russia is going to take time to take effect and will not happen overnight. The Nord Stream II pipeline between Russia and Germany has been under construction for ten years. It is a multi-billion-dollar pipeline. In fact, there were problems between Germany and the United States due to this pipeline.

Russia was never a major supplier of energy to India, although India always saw Russia as an important energy partner. We have invested close to $15 billion in the last 10 years in getting stakes in Russian oil fields in Siberia and the Far East. For example, the first major acquisition of Russian gas and oil that India made was in Sakhalin-2 in 2002. And these investments made are with an eye on the future. India’s per capita consumption of energy is among the lowest in the world. If India wants to grow at eight to ten per cent a year, we will need every single drop of oil from every single corner of the world. We will not have the luxury of choosing. Thus, when some party tells India to import from A and not B it becomes difficult to concede to such an argument. India will always treat Russia as a potential source of energy for our growth and future requirements. In the short term, there is a certain disruption in energy prices and all players look to advance their

interests. The other big change is that America itself has now become an energy supplier because of shale oil and it has become one of the major suppliers of oil, gas and LNG to India. In the medium and long term, India should use this crisis as an opportunity to transit to non-hydrocarbon, non-fossil and green sources of energy such as solar, wind and hydro in an attempt to become energy independent.

II Ukraine

Rishma Banerjee: The western weapons, which Ukraine’s forces have already been trained on are gradually coming in now. Do you think this will shift the momentum in Sievierodonetsk, or broadly speaking Eastern Ukraine? Or are we more likely to see it fall to a similar fate as Mariupol, after prolonged fighting?

Amb Pankaj Saran: The supply of weapons to Ukraine is a double-edged sword. If the war keeps getting prolonged the worst victims will be the people of Ukraine. So while Ukraine may like and welcome Western military supplies, the victims of the collateral damage are going to be the Ukrainians.

A second aspect is that Ukraine also has an absorptive capacity problem. How much of these weapons can it absorb? How well- trained is its military to utilise these and will this flow be sufficient to repel the enemy and defeat the Russian forces? And if not, will the demands for more sophisticated weapons grow? Should it escalate into more lethal weapons? It must be remembered that the Russian Armed Forces are structured and equipped not to fight Ukraine, but to fight NATO. Therefore, the scale and the magnitude of the Russian armed military machine can be imagined. To imagine that there will be a Ukrainian victory which will not be contested by Russia is difficult. It should be assumed that the Russian Army will, in the long term prevail.

Rishma Banerjee: We know president Zelenskyy has said that to Ukraine, victory will be, going back to the pre-2014 configuration of the country. Meanwhile, Russia initially had the aim of a regime change in Ukraine. Then they said their goal is to liberate Donbas. So, after over 100 days of the war, what do you think victory now looks like to Russia? Or what kind of achievement in the country should Russia consider a victory?

Amb Pankaj Saran: What is the basis of the assumption that this is a conflict which can be counted in days and not in months? Why is it being assumed that the Russians are not ready to stay there for one year or two years? On what basis is it being presumed that Russia wanted to do something in one week? We have no evidence to prove this assertion. After all, in Afghanistan, the NATO was there for 20 years. The US and western powers were there in Iraq, Syria and Libya for years. There was huge loss of life particularly on the civilian side. What distinguishes a major military power from the rest of the world is that it has the capacity and the will to fight and use hard power. Russian forces will continue to stay. They do not seem to be in any hurry to come out until such time as they have calculated that they have reached a point of diminishing return and that the primary objectives have been fulfilled.

They have also had Russian military operations in Afghanistan and in Syria. The Soviets were defeated in Afghanistan but the Russian military operations in Syria were a success from their point of view. They realise that they should not fall into should not fall into the trap of a second Afghanistan. The final Russian objectives are unclear. Is it to occupy the Donbass and Luhansk? Is it to comprehensively defeat the Azov battalion and the anti-Russian forces so that they do not attack Russian citizens and civilians, say for the next 10 or 20 years? Is it to completely destroy Ukraine’s military infrastructure? What President Putin seems to be doing is to convey a signal to the current government in Ukraine and to the Europeans and NATO that Russia has a problem with the current situation in the Donbass region. I do not believe Russia is targeting any other European country. It is not a classical military conflict but an overlay of ethnic and religious and cultural tensions and a lot of historical baggage. In some ways, Russian victory is already there, because Russia has shown to Europe and to NATO that they are prepared to take the extreme step to preserve and to defend their security interests in Ukraine. The Minsk agreements were a negotiated agreement. But they were complicated and extremely difficult to implement. They had a component of internal devolution of power, similar to the proposed 13th Amendment in Sri Lanka’s Constitution which sought to give autonomy to the Tamils in the Northern and Eastern provinces. The logic accepted by all sides was to recognise the cultural differences of the Russian population in the Donbass region.

Rishma Banerjee: North Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo, all these countries have been looking to expedite their accession to the EU. Sweden and Finland are doing the same for NATO. How far do you think the conflict in Ukraine is responsible for this increased haste, and has Russia’s invasion been counterproductive to their interests in the region? Which organization between NATO and the EU do you think Ukraine will be able to join first?

Amb Pankaj Saran: If you look at the European Union's history, they started with the Steel and Coal Community and gradually went on to economic and then political integration. They realised after the Euro crisis that they had problems. The European ability to govern itself came under question. Brexit added to the loss of confidence in the EU. The EU’s internal mechanisms and structures are complicated. Even today, among the 27 of them, decision making is difficult. So, it is not as if the Ukrainian application will be accepted today or tomorrow. Turkey has been waiting for thirty years. During the economic crisis in Italy, Portugal, Greece and Spain, there was a significant divide between Southern Europe and Northern Europe. The EU will be careful about unbridled expansion.

The European Union’s expansion is not, in my view, a great problem for Russia. When the Soviet Union was dissolved, one of the visions that they had was of a common Euro- Atlantic community which included Russia as part of Europe. There was this famous speech by President Putin about a European community stretching from Lisbon to Vladivostok. It was a kind of a visionary thing that never happened. But the paradox is that the economic integration of Europe has taken place much more with China than with Russia. This is a reflection of the failure of the Russian economy, that despite being a neighbour of Europe, its integration with Europe is limited. China’s trade and economic ties with Europe on the other hand have boomed. In terms of which organization Ukraine is likely to be admitted first, some sort of association with the EU seems more likely, rather than NATO membership. Even when it comes to the EU, there are doubts within Europe about Ukraine's internal governance, corruption, democracy, neo-Nazi racist ideology, etc, which are not in sync with “European values”. NATO is a treaty based military alliance whose member states have legal obligations. These could even lead to war with Russia. The NATO will therefore be cautious in taking in Ukraine atleast at this time.

III Europe

Padmashree Anandhan: How do you think Russia would respond or should respond to NATO’s expansion in the eastern, northern Europe especially in the Baltic and Nordic region? How will the future cooperation be in terms of Arctic research between NATO and Russia?

Amb Pankaj Saran: On the question on NATO’s expansion, one of the Russians had commented the other day that insofar as Russia is concerned they already treating neighbours like Finland and Sweden as de facto NATO countries. I do not think Russia has many choices if these countries actually become members of NATO because there is not much Russia can do about it. The only thing which will happen is that Russian military expenditure will grow and so will the importance of the security establishment within the Russian Government. So you might perhaps see a more militarised Russia. You will just have a more dangerous Europe and it will not be good for us as India or for global stability.

The Arctic is a futuristic area of geopolitical and geostrategic contestation, because the Russian Arctic coastline constitutes fifty per cent of the entire Arctic area. India has just released its Arctic Policy document. The Northern Sea Route is something that needs to be studied by us to assess its implications. There are differences between Russian and Chinese interests, apart from the dynamics between the US, Russia and the Nordic countries.

Padmashree Anandhan: Belarus, Hungary, and Turkey are few European countries causing a challenge to the EU’s integration and decision-making progress, how will Russia’s influence take shape or will it intensify to deepen the divide.

Amb Pankaj Saran: Each of these countries has a different history. The EU did not accept the results of last year’s elections in Belarus in which President Lukashenko was re- elected. The relationship between Belarus- Russia today is strong. The greater the European pressure on Belarus, the more Russia and Belarus will coalesce.

Turkey is the odd man out. It is a member of the NATO. In some ways it is the opposite of Ukraine. It has already got NATO membership but the Europeans are not admitting it. Despite advocating human rights and universal values of equality, the EU has reservations about Turkey on account of its religious character. Turkey is also playing all sides by keeping good relations with Russia and cooperating with it in Syria.

Hungary is an interesting case, which shows the problems within the EU. The Hungarian Prime Minister basically said no to everything else the EU was saying on Russia. There were similarly sharp differences among the European countries during the Syrian refugee crisis a few years ago, when they were welcomed by Germany but there was opposition by many other countries. As India, we should study and be aware of the internal contradictions within Europe which are not being reflected adequately in our public discourse.

Padmashree Anandhan: Minsk agreements, peace treaties or the Normandy format talks held after the Crimean annexation failed. If any such agreement is signed post-Ukraine war or after the conflict slows down, how far Russia will stand put. The gap between Crimean annexation and Ukraine invasion is less than a decade, if Russia would launch war in the next decade, which state would be its target?

Amb Pankaj Saran: There is a concept in international politics of frozen conflicts. There are some conflicts for which there are no solutions. I do not see Crimea going back to Ukraine. But in every war, you always have agreements, treaties, and Accords which provide an honourable exit or a face saver to all sides. The negotiations will be difficult, and whatever settlement is reached has to be acceptable domestically to the people in Russia, Ukraine and to the Europeans. This is the only sustainable solution. In the Minsk agreements, Russia was not a signatory. Now that this war has happened, it will take years of negotiation to find a successor agreement to Minsk. It will require real leadership from Europeans. We will have to see if a leader or a group of leaders from Europe or outside can emerge who are in a position to be genuine mediators between Russia and Ukraine. Like a Contact Group of the kind there was during the Korean War when India was also involved.

I do not think Russia is targeting any other country. Its primary goal seems to be to ensure security on its periphery. At the broader military level, both sides, ie Russia and NATO will continue to ensure conventional balance and nuclear parity between them. This is not going to change. Neither side will allow any new asymmetries to develop.

IV
South Asia & China

Ashwin Immanuel Dhanabalan: With the war in Ukraine continuing and the growing authoritarianism rising in South Asia, be it with Afghanistan, Myanmar, and Sri Lanka, what role could India play within the region?

And what role could India play globally, as even Lavrov had mentioned that India could be a mediator in the war a few months back? Not looking at the war as a crisis but more as an opportunity, what is your perspective?

Amb Pankaj Saran: Rather than a trend towards growing authoritarianism, the trend is more towards growing nationalism, away from the idea of a global village which India believes in. The behaviour of major powers in the last few years has been narrow and self-centered. This is true of the policies and actions we have seen from the US or China and now from Russia. They have kept their national interests uppermost while taking decisions on matters that affect the world. For example, the American decision to withdraw from Afghanistan was taken not to serve any larger good but because it was a domestic political issue. This is when it was well known that sudden US withdrawal would create serious problems for Afghanistan and the region.

The other feature of the current crisis is that you cannot identify a leader or a nation which can step up and try to find a solution. It is of concern that the traditional “guardians” of the global international order are today the ones who are at loggerheads with each other. The five permanent members of the Security Council were the ones who were supposed to be the sole arbiters of global peace and security. Of those, two that is Russia and China are on side and three are on the other side. If that inner sanctum sanctorum is in conflict with itself, where would countries like India or anyone else go to with their problems? It is a crisis of international management. It is a reflection of the inability of the United Nations system to solve contemporary problems. Cynically speaking, every country is on its own. And if you have a problem, you better be equipped to deal with it. We learned this the hard way during COVID-19, and it led to the concept of Atma Nirbharta or self-reliance. One needs to strengthen national power to deal with a crisis, whether it is a health related one or military aggression of the kind we saw from China in 2020.

With regard to South Asia, India’s role is always going to be a dominant and leading one. Sometimes it is welcomed; sometimes, it is not welcomed, but India is there to stay. Our neighbours are there to stay. The phenomenon of authoritarianism in Afghanistan, Myanmar, or Sri Lanka is real but it does not have any linkage with Ukraine. Each of these countries has its own dynamics and its own history. We should treat each of them on their own. The situation in Mynamar revolving around the takeover of power by the military junta has its own unique characteristics and impact on India’s security along the border. In Afghanistan the impact on India of the takeover by the Taliban is different. One of the biggest casualties of the Ukrainian war is the Afghan people. Their plight has been forgotten. Afghanistan is a disaster waiting to happen. Its economy has collapsed, the administration has collapsed....the impact of Afghanistan will be felt in India in terms of security, radicalization, extremism and drugs. Therefore, in this milieu we must continuously enhance our national power in all dimensions.

Avishka Ashok: Considering the unconditional friendship between Russia and China, the past few years have however seen much closer relations, primarily because of the heads of the two states. However, Xi and Putin may be closer to the end of their tenure and there may be a change in leadership in both these countries. What kind of future leadership can we expect in Russia and how would this affect the bilateral relations between the two countries?

Amb Pankaj Saran: The evolution of Russia’s political system has a common thread running through it, that of a strong centre and a strong leader. The Communist Revolution tried to democratize governance through the creation of Soviets or local parliaments, the cooperatives and collective farms. Despite Lenin’s vision, the country had a leader like Stalin for over three decades. Even the Gorbachev phenomenon was not a result of a democratic election. He was the product of the Communist Party who had a meteoric rise in the party at a young age. The closest Russia has come to a democratic election is during the tenure of Boris Yeltsin in 1991. That system, however, did not endure after Yeltsin’s failing health. The selection of Putin as Yeltsin’s successor is also shrouded in mystery.

When we speak of the future of Russia after Putin, we should see if there is a realistic mechanism that provides for transfer of power and gives genuine democratic choice to the people of Russia to choose their political leader. There have been numerous amendments to the Constitution and it is undecided if President Putin will, at some point, step down or ask the people to elect a new leader. What we do know is that Russia has a young a modern population. The post- 1991 generation has close affinity with Europe and a desire for a good lifestyle and access to the world. On the other hand, the security apparatus and other related sections of the establishment in Russia are powerful. They will also have a major say in the running of the country in the future.

Russia and China have become closer in the past few years, mainly because of Western pressure on Russia which pushes the country towards China. There is however also the latent feeling in Russia that unlike it, China did not go through a 1991 type catharsis and is at present an economic powerhouse and global leader. It hurts Russia’s pride at being considered a junior partner to China. It is simplistic to assume that the China-Russia relationship is smooth and without problems. China is increasingly challenging Russia’s defence export markets and its position as a technology power. Russia will always look to diversify its foreign policy options and that is where India plays a significant role.


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Brighty Ann Sarah

Conflicts in the Middle East:
Escalating Israeli Aggression in Lebanon I UAEs Covert Manoeuvres
May 2026 | CWA # 2090

Brighty Ann Sarah

The US-Iran War, Week Ten:
Fraying Ceasefire, Renewed Negotiations and the Risk of a Stalemate
May 2026 | CWA # 2088

Nithin V

King Charles's US Visit:
Emphasis on strong bilateral relations, democratic values and security cooperation
May 2026 | CWA # 2086

Aishal Hab Yousuf

UAE's Exit from OPEC:
Implications for the Middle East and the Energy Market
May 2026 | CWA # 2083

Brighty Ann Sarah

The US-Iran War, Week Nine:
Deadlocked Negotiations, Competing Agendas and Domestic Pressure
May 2026 | CWA # 2082

Akshath Kaimal

Escalating Violence in Mali:
Between Ethnic Insurgencies, Jihadist Attacks, and Military Coups
April 2026 | CWA # 2079

Aishal Hab Yousuf

Japans New Defence Posture:
From Post-War Pacifism to Strategic Recalibration and Autonomy
April 2026 | CWA # 2074

Brighty Ann Sarah

Israel-Lebanon Ceasefire:
Asymmetric Terms, Fragile Truce and Israeli Occupation
April 2026 | CWA # 2073

Akshath Kaimal

The US-Iran War, Week Eight:
A Fragile Ceasefire, Attempts to Control Hormuz and the Stalled Talks in Islamabad
April 2026 | CWA # 2072

Anu Maria Joseph

Three Years of War in Sudan
Prolonged Stalemate, Humanitarian Cost, External Interventions and Regional Fallouts
April 2026 | CWA # 2069

Padmashree Anandhan

The War in Ukraine
Expanding Drone Warfare, Russia's Strategic Patience and Ukraine's Diplomatic Outreach
April 2026 | CWA # 2068

Femy Francis 

China-Japan Tensions
Escalating Defence Posturing and Economic Decoupling
April 2026 | CWA # 2067

Anu Maria Joseph

Conflicts in Africa
Continuing Conflicts in Sudan, South Sudan and DR Congo, Security issues in Nigeria, and Political Instability in Madagascar
April 2026 | CWA # 2066

Akshath Kaimal

The Pakistan-Afghanistan Conflict
Recurrent Clashes, Defiant Taliban, Contesting Narratives and Emerging Chinas Role
April 2026 | CWA # 2065

Lakshmi Venugopal Menon

The Middle East (JanMar 2026):
The US-Iran War, Israel-Hamas Conflict and their interconnected fallouts
April 2026 | CWA # 2064

Anwesha Ghosh

Afghanistan (JanMar 2026):
Gender Repression, Leadership Rifts, Regional Realignments and Clashes with Pakistan
April 2026 | CWA # 2063

Ramya B

Russia (Jan-Mar 2026)
Assertive Military Posture, Attempts for an Economic Turnaround and Search for Partners
April 2026 | CWA # 2062

Himani Pant

Europe (Jan-Mar 2026)
Trade diversification & FTAs, Increased defence spending, Tightening irregular migration and Economic slowdown
April 2026 | CWA # 2061

S Shaji

Africa (Jan-Mar 2026)
Elections, Civil Wars, Militancy and Peace Initiatives
April 2026 | CWA # 2058

Nishchal N Pandey  & Mahesh Raj Bhatta

Nepal (Jan-Mar 2026)
Political Upheaval, Generational Change and Economic Uncertainty
April 2026 | CWA # 2057

Bibhu Prasad Routray

Myanmar (Jan-Mar 2026)
An Illegitimate Regime's Consolidation Game
April 2026 | CWA # 2056

Ashik J Bonofer

Southeast Asia (Jan-Mar 2026)
Deteriorating situation in Myanmar, Philippines as the ASEAN Chair, New government in Thailand, and Economic & Environmental challenges
April 2026 | CWA # 2055

Haans J Freddy

East Asia (Jan-Mar 2026)
Chinas military operations near Taiwan, Japan-China tensions and South Koreas security challenges
April 2026 | CWA # 2054

Amrita Jash

Chinas External Landscape (Jan-Mar 2026):
Regional assertion, Pragmatic recalibration with the West and Avoiding military entanglement in the Middle East
April 2026 | CWA # 2052

Shreya Upadhyay

The United States(Jan-Mar2026)
Tariffs, Ukraine, Iran and Operationalization of Trumps World Order
March 2026 | CWA # 2042

Preetha Renganarayanan

Five Takeaways of the US Annual Threat Assessment (ATA) Report for 2026
March 2026 | CWA # 2039

Femy Francis

Trump-Xi Meeting
Why did Trump reschedule it? What does that mean?
March 2026 | CWA # 2035

Akshath Kaimal

Pakistan-Afghanistan Conflict
Broken ceasefire, Expanding military strikes and Worsening humanitarian situation
March 2026 | CWA # 2033

Mahesh Bhatta

Nepal after elections:
Five major challenges for the new government
March 2026 | CWA # 2024

Lekshmi MK

The UN and the Iran-US War
UNSC Resolution 2817 between Clear and Unified Message and Manifest Injustice
March 2026 | CWA # 2023

Femy Francis

Chinas Two Sessions 2026
New Five-Year Plan, Ethnic Unity Law, and an Enhanced Defence Budget
March 2026 | CWA # 2019

Akshath Kaimal

Rising Violence in Nigeria
Limited State Capacity, Multiple Actors, and a Complex Security Environment
March 2026 | CWA # 2012

Padmashree Anandhan

The War in Ukraine
Long-range strikes, Defence adaptation and the EUs energy dependence
March 2026 | CWA # 2010

Mahesh Bhatta

Nepal Elections 2026
The Rise of the New and the Fall of the Old
March 2026 | CWA # 2009

Sreemaya Nair

Nepal Elections 2026
Rise of a new leadership and Reset in political landscape
March 2026 | CWA # 2004

Akshath Kaimal

The Forgotten South Sudan Conflict
Instability returns, with a fragile peace agreement, uptick in violence and limited international engagement
March 2026 | CWA # 2003

Yesasvi Koganti

PM Modis Visit to Israel
From bilateral ties to a special strategic partnership
March 2026 | CWA # 2001

Preetha Renganarayanan

Six major takeaways on the economy, border and internal security and Iran
February 2026 | CWA # 1998

Anu Maria Joseph

Instability in Sudan
Response to the genocide call and the threats of a regional spillover
February 2026 | CWA # 1986

Preetha Renganarayanan

Focus on Trade, Defense, Energy and Regional Connectivity
February 2026 | CWA # 1985

Abhimanyu Solanki

Basant in Pakistan
The return of Basant, and what it signifies
February 2026 | CWA # 1977

Anu Maria Joseph

Violence in Nigeria
US military deployment amidst worsening insurgency
February 2026 | CWA # 1976

Lekshmi MK

The War in Ukraine
The Geneva Talks and Growing Negotiation Asymmetry
December 2025 | CWA # 1971

Vani Vyshnavi Jupudi

Pakistan Budget 2025-26
Legislating stabilisation under IMF discipline and coalition constraints
December 2025 | CWA # 1970

Aparna A Nair

Pakistan & China
Ten Years of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)
November 2025 | CWA # 1968

Vani Vyshnavi Jupudi

Pakistan and the US
A New opening, or another cycle?
February 2026 | CWA # 1959

Yesasvi Koganti

UK and China
PM Keir Starmers visit and the Recalibration of Economic, Strategic, and Domestic ties
January 2026 | CWA # 1946

Preetha Renganarayanan

The Davos Summit 2026
Five Major Takeaways from The World Economic Forum
December 2025 | CWA # 1931

Padmashree Anandhan

NATO Summit 2025
December 2025 | CWA # 1924

Padmashree Anandhan

NATO Summit 2025
December 2025 | CWA # 1914

Preetha Renganarayanan

November 2025 | CWA # 1841

IPRI Team

October 2025 | CWA # 1828

Brighty Ann Sarah

October 2025 | CWA # 1827

GP Team

September 2025 | CWA # 1819

Ayan Datta

Africa
September 2025 | CWA # 1816

Brighty Ann Sarah

The Middle East
September 2025 | CWA # 1815

Anshuman Behera

South Asia
September 2025 | CWA # 1814

Anshuman Behera

South Asia
September 2025 | CWA # 1812

Kasvi Batra

China, East Asia and Southeast Asia
August 2025 | CWA # 1801

R Preetha

28 August 1963
Martin Luther King's "I Have a Dream" speech and the Civil Rights Movement in the US
August 2025 | CWA # 1796

Ditipriya Ghosh

August 2025 | CWA # 1795

Anu Maria Joseph

August 2025 | CWA # 1790

GP Team

The World This Week#323-324
The Trump-Putin meeting & the US-China tariff extension
August 2025 | CWA # 1787

Abhiruchi Chowdhury

What is the background? And what does it mean?
August 2025 | CWA # 1786

Astha Panda

Fewer births, Smaller families and Out-migration
August 2025 | CWA # 1780

Abhiruchi Chowdhury

Trump tariffs:
Weaponization of access to the US economy
August 2025 | CWA # 1779

GP Team

The World This Week#322
US tariffs on India, Brazil and Canada & the EU-US trade deal
August 2025 | CWA # 1778

Lekshmi MK

28 July 1914
Austria-Hungary declares war on Serbia, starting the First World War
July 2025 | CWA # 1773

Lekshmi MK

July 2025 | CWA # 1772

Kasvi Batra

Another setback for the ruling party
July 2025 | CWA # 1771

Swati Sood

Prioritizing Neighbors
July 2025 | CWA # 1770

Abhiruchi Chowdhury

Pakistan-Afghanistan relations:
Why the focus on terrorism, refugees, and Uzbekistan as the third partner?
July 2025 | CWA # 1769

GP Team

The World This Week#321
Indian PM Modi's visit to the Maldives I Elections to the Upper House in Japan
July 2025 | CWA # 1768

IPRI Team

July 2025 | CWA # 1767

Naomi Miriam Mathew

Minerals, Markets, and Military
July 2025 | CWA # 1765

Kasvi Batra

Balancing Economic Interests, Strategic Tensions and a Soft Power Recalibration
July 2025 | CWA # 1762

Lekshmi MK

What is the phenomenon? What are its effects? And who are more vulnerable?
July 2025 | CWA # 1760

NIAS Global Politics Team

July 2025 | CWA # 1759

Padmashree Anandhan

July 2025 | CWA # 1750

Swati Sood

July 2025 | CWA # 1749

R Preetha

Africa as the Hunger Epicenter
Of the 13 Global Hunger Hotspots, 8 are in Africa: Five reasons why
July 2025 | CWA # 1744

Chittrothu Vaihali

EU-Canada Summit 2025
What is security and defence partnership all about?
July 2025 | CWA # 1743

M Kejia

A Significant Visit for a Road to Strategic Partnership
July 2025 | CWA # 1742

IPRI Team

Conflict Weekly # 287-88
The 12 Day War and the Congo-Rwanda Peace Deal
July 2025 | CWA # 1739

Swati Sood 

Why now, what next?
July 2025 | CWA # 1738

Fleur Elizabeth Philip

Thailand and Cambodia
What was the phone call between PM Shinawatra and President of Senate Hun Sen? What is the border dispute between the two? Why has this become an issue?
June 2025 | CWA # 1735

Padmashree Anandhan

NATO Summit 2025:
Trump making Europe great again
June 2025 | CWA # 1734

GP Team

The World This Week #317
NATO Summit 2025 and Russia-Mali bilateral agreements
June 2025 | CWA # 1733

Ananya Dinesh

What was the recent China-PIC joint statement about? What it says, and what it means?
June 2025 | CWA # 1731

Farhaz Rashid Ahmed

Where does the Black Lives Matter Movement stand today?
June 2025 | CWA # 1728

M Kejia

G7 Summit 2025:
The Focus on the Middle East and Trade negotiations
June 2025 | CWA # 1726

GP Team

The World This Week #316
China-Central Asia Summit in Kazakhstan, and the G7 Summit in Canada
June 2025 | CWA # 1725

Brighty Ann Sarah, R Preetha, Santhiya M, Aparna A Nair & M Kejia

Operation Midnight Hammer: US bombs three nuclear sites in Iran
What were the three Iranian nuclear sites that were targeted? What are the B2 Bombers and Bunker Buster Bombs? What do these attacks mean? What Next?
June 2025 | CWA # 1724

IPRI Team

Conflict Weekly #286
The Spiralling Israel-Iran Crisis, and the Dangerous Hunger Hotspots
June 2025 | CWA # 1722

Rizwana Banu S

Why is Diego Garcia important to the US?
June 2025 | CWA # 1721

Rizwana Banu S and Santhiya M

Who are the Afrikaners?
Why is Trump interested in the Afrikaner question in South Africa?
June 2025 | CWA # 1720

Lekshmi MK

New WMO Report on Arctic Warming
What are the social, economic and environmental implications of Arctic warming
June 2025 | CWA # 1719

J Yamini  

What contributes to the rise of BYD
June 2025 | CWA # 1717

J Yamini

Gender Violence in Pakistan:
What are the larger issues in the Noor Mukadam case?
June 2025 | CWA # 1715

Femy Francis

The US-China:
On Tariffs, Rare Earths and Visas
June 2025 | CWA # 1713

GP Team

The World This Week #315
The UN Ocean Conference in France and the US-China Meeting in London
June 2025 | CWA # 1711

Gauri Gupta

June 2025 | CWA # 1709

IPRI Team

Conflict Weekly #284-285
Cambodia-Thailand Border Tensions, Protests in the US, and the Indigenous Mori question in New Zealand
June 2025 | CWA # 1708

Santhiya M

The RPP and UML showcase their strength in the streets of Kathmandu
June 2025 | CWA # 1706

Merin Treesa Alex

Instability to possible stability
June 2025 | CWA # 1705

GP Team

The World This Week #314
Elections in South Korea and Poland I China and the Pacific Island Countries I Bangladesh Election Announcement 2026
June 2025 | CWA # 1702

Lekshmi MK

June 2025 | CWA # 1701

Santhiya M

June 2025 | CWA # 1700

R Preetha

Ethiopia bans the TPLF
What does the TPLF ban mean for the Pretoria agreement? What next for Ethiopia?
June 2025 | CWA # 1698

Gauri Gupta

June 2025 | CWA # 1694

Aashish Ganeshan

The US:
Harvard vs Trump Administration
June 2025 | CWA # 1693

Fleur Elizabeth Philip

The focus on Politics, Trade and Defence
June 2025 | CWA # 1691

GP Team

The World This Week #313
China-ASEAN-GCC Summit I President Macron's visit to South East Asia I Trump Vs Harvard
May 2025 | CWA # 1690

GP Team

The World This Week #312
Elections in Romania, Portugal & Poland I UK-EU Summit
May 2025 | CWA # 1689

Padmashree Anandhan

Ukraine
May 2025 | CWA # 1688

Ayan Datta

Gaza
May 2025 | CWA # 1685

Aparna A Nair

UK-EU Summit:
First step towards a reset
May 2025 | CWA # 1684

Farhaz Rashid Ahmed

No clear winners, yet
May 2025 | CWA # 1683

Aashish Ganeshan

Elections in Portugal:
The Rise of Chega Party and the Search for Political Stability
May 2025 | CWA # 1680

Padmashree Anandhan

May 2025 | CWA # 1678

Gauri Gupta

China in Latin America
China-CELAC forum: Strengthening ties with Latin America and Caribbean
May 2025 | CWA # 1677

GP Team

The World This Week #310-311
China in Latin America and the Carribbean I Trump's Middle East Visit I Denmark as the new Arctic Chair
May 2025 | CWA # 1675

Lekshmi MK

Turkey:
PKK disbands after 40 years of armed insurgency
May 2025 | CWA # 1674

Anu Maria Joseph

May 2025 | CWA # 1673

Padmashree Anandhan

Ukraine:
The Discussion in Turkiye and the Elusive Ceasefire
May 2025 | CWA # 1671

Abhiruchi Chowdhury

US, Ukraine and Russia:
Air attacks amidst a Minerals deal and Ceasefire Proposals
May 2025 | CWA # 1669

Vani Vyshnavi Jupudi

On Memory, Justice, Diplomacy, Strategy, and Narratives
May 2025 | CWA # 1667

R Preetha and Brighty Ann Sarah

East Asia:
Tough Tariff Negotiations with the US
May 2025 | CWA # 1666

Padmashree Anandhan

The US-Ukraine
The mineral deal with the US
May 2025 | CWA # 1665
Conflict Weekly # 280-81
India-Pakistan De-escalation I Ukraine Discussion in Istanbul I The Battle over Port Sudan I Disbanding of PKK in Turkiye I France-Algeria Diplomatic Tensions
May 2025 | CWA # 1663

R Preetha

Canada Elections 2025:
What do the results convey? What next for Mark Carney?
April 2025 | CWA # 1658

GP Team

April 2025 | CWA # 1657

Abhishiktha S Kumar

Who wants the King to return and who opposes it?
April 2025 | CWA # 1655

IPRI Team

April 2025 | CWA # 1642

Esther Gamako Zugwai

March 2025 | CWA # 1641

Vani Vyshnavi Jupudi

March 2025 | CWA # 1639

Anu Maria Joseph

March 2025 | CWA # 1634

Nuha Aamina

March 2025 | CWA # 1622

GP Team

March 2025 | CWA # 1621

Vaneeta

March 2025 | CWA # 1613

Abhiruchi Chowdhury

March 2025 | CWA # 1609

IPRI Team

January 2025 | CWA # 1594

Ayan Datta

February 2025 | CWA # 1592

South Asia Brief Team

February 2025 | CWA # 1591

GP Team

February 2025 | CWA # 1590

IPRI Team

December 2024 | CWA # 1579

Sayeka Ghosh

January 2025 | CWA # 1573

Vaneeta

January 2025 | CWA # 1570

Vaneeta

January 2025 | CWA # 1565

GP Team

January 2025 | CWA # 1563

IPRI Team

January 2025 | CWA # 1562

Ayan Datta

December 2024 | CWA # 1555

Nupur Priya

November 2024 | CWA # 1544

Ayan Datta

November 2024 | CWA # 1537

Rohini Reenum

October 2024 | CWA # 1522

Advik S Mohan

October 2024 | CWA # 1480

IPRI Team

October 2024 | CWA # 1479

GP Team

September 2024 | CWA # 1476

Advik S Mohan

September 2024 | CWA # 1472

IPRI Team

August 2024 | CWA # 1465

IPRI Team

August 2024 | CWA # 1458

Samruddhi Pathak

August 2024 | CWA # 1457

Padmashree Anandhan

August 2024 | CWA # 1448

IPRI Team

August 2024 | CWA # 1446

IPRI Team

August 2024 | CWA # 1445

Anu Maria Joseph

August 2024 | CWA # 1444

Ayan Datta

August 2024 | CWA # 1442

Vetriselvi Baskaran

August 2024 | CWA # 1437

Prajwal T V

August 2024 | CWA # 1427

Ken B Varghese

July 2024 | CWA # 1416

GP Team

July 2024 | CWA # 1413

Ramya B

July 2024 | CWA # 1404

Vetriselvi Baskaran

July 2024 | CWA # 1392

Ayan Datta

June 2024 | CWA # 1377

GP Team

June 2024 | CWA # 1368

Ayan Datta & Sayeka Ghosh

June 2024 | CWA # 1355

GP Team

June 2024 | CWA # 1349

Padmashree Anandhan

June 2024 | CWA # 1339

LS Hareesh

May 2024 | CWA # 1336

Femy Francis

May 2024 | CWA # 1330

Akhil Ajith

May 2024 | CWA # 1321

Akhil Ajith

May 2024 | CWA # 1320

Femy Francis

May 2024 | CWA # 1318

Akhil Ajith

May 2024 | CWA # 1311

Akhil Ajith

May 2024 | CWA # 1310

Dhriti Mukherjee

May 2024 | CWA # 1308

GP Team

May 2024 | CWA # 1307

IPRI Team

April 2024 | CWA # 1286

Karthik Manoharan

April 2024 | CWA # 1282

Femy Francis

April 2024 | CWA # 1275

Ramya B

April 2024 | CWA # 1273

GP Team

April 2024 | CWA # 1265

Devi Chandana M

March 2024 | CWA # 1251

NIAS Africa Team

Africa This Week
March 2024 | CWA # 1246

Sivasubramanian K

March 2024 | CWA # 1243

GP Team

February 2024 | CWA # 1226

NIAS Africa Team

Africa This Week
January 2024 | CWA # 1211

Bibhu Prasad Routray

January 2024 | CWA # 1199

GP Team

November 2023 | CWA # 1152

GP Team

November 2023 | CWA # 1150

NIAS Africa Team

November 2023 | CWA # 1149

Sneha Surendran

November 2023 | CWA # 1148

GP Team

November 2023 | CWA # 1146

IPRI Team

November 2023 | CWA # 1142

GP Team

November 2023 | CWA # 1140

GP Team

July 2023 | CWA # 1114

Prerana P

June 2023 | CWA # 1113

CR Team

October 2023 | CWA # 1091

Annem Naga Bindhu Madhuri

Issues for Europe
October 2023 | CWA # 1090

Yogeswari S

October 2023 | CWA # 1087

PR Team

October 2023 | CWA # 1083

GP Team

September 2023 | CWA # 1076

IPRI Team

September 2023 | CWA # 1071

Dhriti Mukherjee

August 2023 | CWA # 1070

Ankit Singh

September 2023 | CWA # 1067

PR Team

September 2023 | CWA # 1062

Feben Itty

September 2023 | CWA # 1061

Genesy B

September 2023 | CWA # 1060

Sreeja JS

August 2023 | CWA # 1049

IPRI Team

August 2023 | CWA # 1045

NIAS Africa Team

August 2023 | CWA # 1043

Sneha Surendran

August 2023 | CWA # 1042

Nithyashree RB

August 2023 | CWA # 1038

Anu Maria Joseph

August 2023 | CWA # 1036

NIAS Africa Team

August 2023 | CWA # 1024

NIAS Africa Team

July 2023 | CWA # 1022

Ankita Dutta

July 2023 | CWA # 1019

Sneha Surendran

July 2023 | CWA # 1016

Medini Hegde

July 2023 | CWA # 1015

Ramya Balasubramanian

July 2023 | CWA # 1009

GP Team

July 2023 | CWA # 1008

IPRI Team

June 2023 | CWA # 985

GP Team

June 2023 | CWA # 977

NIAS Africa Team

June 2023 | CWA # 976

Jerry Franklin

June 2023 | CWA # 974

Akshaya S

June 2023 | CWA # 968

Rishika Yadav and Nityashree RB

May 2023 | CWA # 955

Amit Gupta

May 2023 | CWA # 953

GP Team

May 2023 | CWA # 952

Rishika Yadav

April 2023 | CWA # 943

NIAS Africa Team

April 2023 | CWA # 935

GP Team

March 2023 | CWA # 931

Himani Pant

March 2023 | CWA # 929

IPRI Team

March 2023 | CWA # 927

Indrani Talukdar

January 2023 | CWA # 922

Bhoomika Sesharaj

January 2023 | CWA # 921

Abigail Miriam Fernandez

March 2023 | CWA # 919

NIAS Africa Team

January 2023 | CWA # 901

Riya Itisha Ekka

January 2023 | CWA # 900

Apoorva Sudhakar

January 2023 | CWA # 899

Sayani Rana

January 2023 | CWA # 892

IPRI Team

January 2023 | CWA # 891

NIAS Africa Team

December 2022 | CWA # 886

Sethuraman Nadarajan

December 2022 | CWA # 879

Padmashree Anandhan

The Ukraine War
December 2022 | CWA # 872

Sapna Elsa Abraham

November 2022 | CWA # 848

Vignesh Ram

November 2022 | CWA # 838

Rishma Banerjee

Tracing Europe's droughts
November 2022 | CWA # 836

Padmashree Anandhan

November 2022 | CWA # 833

Rishma Banerjee

November 2022 | CWA # 814

IPRI Team

October 2022 | CWA # 809

Padmashree Anandhan

October 2022 | CWA # 808

Devjyoti Saha

October 2022 | CWA # 807

Dr Beena

October 2022 | CWA # 794

GP Team

September 2022 | CWA # 786

GP Team

July 2022 | CWA # 769

NIAS Africa Team

July 2022 | CWA # 762

Padmashree Anandhan

July 2022 | CWA # 760

GP Team

July 2022 | CWA # 759

IPRI Team

July 2022 | CWA # 757

IPRI Team

July 2022 | CWA # 756

NIAS Africa Team

June 2022 | CWA # 751

NIAS Africa Team

June 2022 | CWA # 743

NIAS Africa Team

April 2022 | CWA # 724

IPRI Team

April 2022 | CWA # 723

STIR Team

April 2022 | CWA # 720

GP Team

April 2022 | CWA # 719

IPRI Team

March 2022 | CWA # 707

GP Team

March 2022 | CWA # 706

IPRI Team

March 2022 | CWA # 705

NIAS Africa Team

In Focus: Libya
March 2022 | CWA # 703

IPRI Team

March 2022 | CWA # 701

GP Team

March 2022 | CWA # 697

Avishka Ashok

March 2022 | CWA # 696

Nireekshan Bollimpalli 

March 2022 | CWA # 695

IPRI Team

March 2022 | CWA # 693

PR Team

March 2022 | CWA # 692

GP Team

March 2022 | CWA # 691

IPRI Team

February 2022 | CWA # 689

GP Team

February 2022 | CWA # 688

Padmashree Anandhan

February 2022 | CWA # 685

IPRI Team

February 2022 | CWA # 683
February 2022 | CWA # 682

IPRI Team

February 2022 | CWA # 679

Porkkodi Ganeshpandian and Angkuran Dey

February 2022 | CWA # 678

Ashwin Immanuel Dhanabalan 

February 2022 | CWA # 668

Amit Gupta

January 2022 | CWA # 653

STIR Team

January 2022 | CWA # 645

Ankit Singh

January 2022 | CWA # 640

Ankit Singh

January 2022 | CWA # 639

Abigail Miriam Fernandez

January 2022 | CWA # 638

Sneha M

December 2021 | CWA # 630

GP Team

Europe in 2021
November 2021 | CWA # 613

GP Team

November 2021 | CWA # 610

Abigail Miriam Fernandez

November 2021 | CWA # 602

D. Suba Chandran

October 2021 | CWA # 595

Joeana Cera Matthews 

October 2021 | CWA # 593

Harini Madhusudhan

October 2021 | CWA # 590

Sneha M

October 2021 | CWA # 588

Abigail Miriam Fernandez

TLP is back again
October 2021 | CWA # 586

Apoorva Sudhakar

October 2021 | CWA # 584

Abigail Miriam Fernandez

September 2021 | CWA # 560

Apoorva Sudhakar

September 2021 | CWA # 550

Joeana Cera Matthews 

September 2021 | CWA # 547

Lokendra Sharma

August 2021 | CWA # 539

STIR Team

August 2021 | CWA # 533

Dincy Adlakha

August 2021 | CWA # 532

Sarthak Jain

August 2021 | CWA # 528

STIR Team

Space Tourism
July 2021 | CWA # 512

Mohamad Aseel Ummer

July 2021 | CWA # 503

GP Team

June 2021 | CWA # 498

Gurpreet Singh

May 2021 | CWA # 467

Lokendra Sharma

May 2021 | CWA # 464

GP Team

April 2021 | CWA # 456

GP Team

March 2021 | CWA # 440

IPRI Team

February 2021 | CWA # 436

IPRI Team

February 2021 | CWA # 434

Abigail Miriam Fernandez

February 2021 | CWA # 428

Abigail Miriam Fernandez

February 2021 | CWA # 427

Apoorva Sudhakar

February 2021 | CWA # 424

GP Team

January 2021 | CWA # 415

GP Team

January 2021 | CWA # 411

D Suba Chandran

December 2020 | CWA # 405

Mallika Devi

December 2020 | CWA # 404

Harini Madhusudan

December 2020 | CWA # 403

Kamna Tiwary

December 2020 | CWA # 400

Sourina Bej

November 2020 | CWA # 369

IPRI Team

September 2020 | CWA # 337

Anju Annie Mammen

September 2020 | CWA # 336

Harini Madhusudan

September 2020 | CWA # 335

Sourina Bej

August 2020 | CWA # 320

IPRI Team

June 2020 | CWA # 304

Padmashree A

May 2020 | CWA # 295

GP Team

May 2020 | CWA # 293

Boa Wang

May 2020 | CWA # 288

Adnan Aziz Chowdhury

May 2020 | CWA # 286

Boa Wang

May 2020 | CWA # 283

GP Team

April 2020 | CWA # 277

IPRI Team

April 2020 | CWA # 272

GP Team

April 2020 | CWA # 271

IPRI Team

April 2020 | CWA # 259

GP Team

April 2020 | CWA # 255

GP Team

April 2020 | CWA # 253

IPRI Team

March 2020 | CWA # 250

Rashmi Ramesh

March 2020 | CWA # 240

GP Team

March 2020 | CWA # 239

IPRI Team

February 2020 | CWA # 235

Lakshmi V Menon

February 2020 | CWA # 212

GP Team

January 2020 | CWA # 209

Boa Wang

January 2020 | CWA # 208

Vivek Mishra

December 2019 | CWA # 196

Harini Madhusudan

November 2019 | CWA # 179

Rashmi Ramesh

October 2019 | CWA # 178

Sourina Bej

September 2019 | CWA # 164

GP Team

September 2019 | CWA # 162

Lakshman Chakravarthy N

5G: A Primer
September 2019 | CWA # 161

Rashmi Ramesh

July 2019 | CWA # 147

Vivek Mishra

June 2019 | CWA # 134

Sourina Bej

June 2019 | CWA # 133

Harini Madhusudan

June 2019 | CWA # 126

Jerin George

June 2019 | CWA # 124

GP Team

May 2019 | CWA # 117

Sourina Bej

May 2019 | CWA # 114

GP Team

May 2019 | CWA # 113

GP Team

April 2019 | CWA # 111

GP Team

January 2019 | CWA # 80

Abhishrut Singh

January 2019 | CWA # 78

Kriti

January 2019 | CWA # 77

Komal Tiwary

December 2018 | CWA # 71

Mahesh Bhatta

Nepal
December 2018 | CWA # 70

Nasima Khatoon

The Maldives
December 2018 | CWA # 69

Harini Madhusudan

India
December 2018 | CWA # 68

Sourina Bej

Bangladesh
December 2018 | CWA # 67

Seetha Lakshmi Dinesh Iyer

Afghanistan
September 2018 | CWA # 58

Aparupa Bhattacherjee

August 2018 | CWA # 52

Oishee Majumdar

July 2018 | CWA # 47

Rahul Arockiaraj

July 2018 | CWA # 40

Rahul Arockiaraj

June 2018 | CWA # 26

Siddhatti Mehta

June 2018 | CWA # 21

Harini Madhusudan

May 2018 | CWA # 8

Samreen Wani

May 2018 | CWA # 1

Samreen Wani