On 25 June, 400 Kenyan police officers arrived in Haiti as part of a UN-backed mission to bring stability to the country, that includes addressing the primary challenge of gang violence. Police from the Bahamas, Bangladesh, Barbados, Benin, Chad and Jamaica will join this force, for a total of 2,500 officers.
In October 2022, Haiti’s former Prime Minister Ariel Henry called on the international community to help stabilise the situation in Haiti. Apart from gang violence, Haiti was tackling widespread shortages of essential goods and a collapsing healthcare system. In July 2023, Kenya agreed to send a UN-backed multinational mission to Haiti.
After their arrival, Haiti’s Prime Minister Garry Conille thanked Kenya for its solidarity and stated: “I want no one to doubt the purpose of the mission. The state will regain power and reaffirm its authority so all Haitians can live peacefully in this country.”
What is the background?
While Haiti has been dealing with instability for years, in 2024, gang violence surged to overthrow Henry and launch coordinated assaults. The weakened security apparatus, lack of effective law enforcement and widespread impunity allowed gangs to control over 80 per cent of the capital. Henry’s failure to hold elections and step down from power for roughly two years exacerbated the situation.
The consistent failure of the ill-equipped Haitian national police to tackle the violence, combined with the failure of Henry’s administration to ensure political stability, created the need for international support. Thus, the biggest reason behind the Kenyan police’s presence in Haiti is to ensure security by reducing gang-induced violence, and also create an environment in which elections can be held freely and safely.
On 5 October 2022, Henry called on the international community to assist Haiti after a gang blockaded a key fuel terminal, causing widespread shortages of goods and potable water. On 21 September 2023, Kenya’s President William Ruto urged the UN Security Council (UNSC) to back a security support mission to Haiti. On 2 October, the UNSC authorised the deployment of a Kenya-led Multinational Security Support (MSS) Mission. However, the deployment of troops faced multiple delays due to legal challenges in Kenya, slow contributions from other countries, and the time taken for the formation of a new Haitian government.
On 1 March 2024, Henry and Ruto signed a “reciprocal” agreement to deploy Kenyan police to lead the UN-backed mission. There was a delay in the deployment as a Kenyan court had branded the deployment “unconstitutional” in January. Following this agreement, gangs in Haiti, who had taken over the airport, told Henry that they would not allow him to return. On 25 April, Henry finally agreed to step down and resigned.
What is Kenya’s interest in Haiti?
Kenya, which has a history of sending peacekeepers to unstable countries, said in July of 2023 that it wants to play a part in “rebuilding” Haiti. Nairobi-based analyst Dismas Mokua detailing that Kenya will gain “serious political capital” by becoming a “dependable ally who is willing to help other countries.” Other benefits include Kenyan law enforcement agencies getting “specialised training and equipment” before deployment along with “financial incentives” such as “extra allowance.” However, there was opposition to the force within Kenya, with police opening fire on protestors in Nairobi on the day the force was deployed. The country’s opposition has accused Ruto’s government of failing to ensure security in Kenya and remains interested in the monetary incentives of the MSS.
What is the mandate of Kenyan force?
As per UNSC Resolution 2699, the MSS’ mandate is to provide operational support to the Haitian National Police (PNH) by helping it build its capacity through joint security operations aimed at countering gangs and securing key infrastructure. It’s mandate also includes taking steps to remove obstacles in securing humanitarian aid. On 20 May 2024, the UN clarified that this mission would not be a UN operation, but that under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, the MSS will have the authority to use force after exhausting all other possible measures. A Status of Force agreement signed between the Kenyan and Haitian governments on 21 June reportedly established the terms under which the troops will have the authority to intervene.
Will the Kenyan forces succeed, where the local police failed?
The biggest challenge facing the force would be internal opposition from gangs and Haitians, who are against the presence of an international mission. This internal opposition would make it difficult for the force to carry out its intended activities and may end up worsening the situation. The force may also face logistical challenges, given that the UN is not overseeing the mission and Haiti’s transitional council is struggling to find its footing. With no one to define how the support will be carried out, decide when the force has the authority to engage in combat, or lay out a framework for the force’s coordination with the national police, there may be delays in concrete actions.
Is there a domestic support?
Though support from a multinational force is potentially the only way of combating gang violence, there has been an internal divide over support for an international force. Some Haitians have expressed happiness over the force’s arrival, as they believe that the force can provide much-needed assistance to the ill-equipped local police, who are fewer in number compared to the gangs. However, there is arguably a larger fraction of the population against the arrival of the force, largely due to the nature of previous international missions in the country. Many Haitians are concerned that this mission, like previous ones, will worsen the crisis and the human rights abuses. The UN mission from 2004-2017 was marred by allegations of sexual assault and the start of a cholera outbreak which killed 10,000. Haiti’s gangs are wholly against foreign intervention, with Jimmy “Barbecue” Chérizier, one of the most powerful leaders, issuing multiple warnings of an uprising in the case of an international mission.
About the author
Dhriti Mukherjee is a Research Assistant at NIAS.
