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NIAS Global Politics Team
17 May 2026 |
TWTW Note
The Trump-Xi Summit:
Managing Strategic Competition through Trade, Technology, and Diplomacy
Aishal Hab Yousuf
What happened?
On 13 May, US President Donald Trump arrived in Beijing for a three-day state visit to strengthen bilateral relations between the two countries. Trump was accompanied by senior White House officials, including Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, National Security Adviser Mike Waltz, and also the US ambassador to China, David Perdue. Top leadership from business firms, including Nvidia, Boeing, GE Aerospace, Tesla, and Goldman Sachs, was also part of the delegation.
On 14 May, President Trump and President Xi Jinping formally commenced talks at the Great Hall of the People. The talks centered on tensions revolving around trade, restrictions on sales of semiconductors, Taiwan, and the ongoing tensions in the Middle East. During the ceremonial welcome, President Trump described Xi Jinping as “a great leader and a friend.” However, Xi stated the necessity for “constructive strategic stability” between the two states.
On 15 May, the talks continued at Zhongnanhai. Before his statement, President Trump’s statement rekindled hope, stating relations with China would become “stronger and better than ever before." While President Xi maintained that it is important to manage differences through dialogue rather than pursuing the path of confrontation.
What is the background?
1. Trade and tariff tensions
The US-China relations have been strained through the decade since President Trump started what was known as the ‘tariff war’ during his first term as President. Both parties agreed at the Busan summit in October 2025 to pause any additional tariff escalations and to reopen trade consultations. Points of differences over access to markets, industrial subsidies, and export controls persist. President Trump pushed for a relentless purchase of US goods from China, most notably Boeing aircraft, soybeans, and other agricultural produce.
2. Technological competition
Since 2022, Washington has imposed multiple restrictions on China's access to advanced chips and AI technologies. This directly affected Chinese homegrown firms like Huawei. The most publicized business leaders in Trump’s delegation included representatives from Nvidia, Tesla, Boeing, and GE Aerospace. This depicted Washington’s agenda: to protect American interests while also maintaining its access to the Chinese market.
3. The Taiwan factor
Beijing vehemently maintains that Taiwan is a matter of sovereignty and strongly opposes US military support and arms sales to the self-governing island. During this summit, Xi also stated that mishandling of Taiwan may lead to “clashes and even conflicts” between the two powers. Contrary to the expectations of Western media, Trump affirmed this stance. BBC reports that Trump stated, “Taiwan should avoid formally declaring independence.”
4. The Iran conflict and energy security
Any discussions about the Iran war revolved around the global energy crisis and the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz. Concerns expressed from the Chinese side mostly centered on disruptions to maritime trade. Trump also said that both countries agreed on the importance of keeping the Strait open. However, an official statement from Beijing is yet to be issued on the matter.
What does it mean?
First, the visit reflects efforts to stabilize US-China relations without resolving any core strategic differences. Both governments have sought to project diplomatic engagement and economic cooperation. However, they continue to compete over technology, trade, and influence in the Indo-Pacific region. There is a notable absence of major breakthroughs, suggesting that both sides are currently prioritizing crisis management over any form of long-term reconciliation.
Second, the summit primarily demonstrated the continued importance of economic interdependence despite the ongoing political tensions. The presence of major American corporate leaders and agreements involving Boeing indicates that business and industrial cooperation remain the central pillars of the relationship, which may help stakeholders navigate tensions that may arise in the future. Expanding trade and investments may also help prevent further deterioration in bilateral relations, even amidst the ongoing strategic rivalry.
Third, the Taiwan issue, unlike previous years, might be less of a serious source of geopolitical risk in US-China relations. Xi’s strong warnings during the talks highlighted Beijing’s increasing sensitivity to American involvement in Taiwan in terms of both ideological support and arms sales. Unlike his predecessor Joe Biden and the Democratic leadership consisting of former speaker Nancy Pelosi, Trump has openly declared that Taiwan must not ask for independence, which is a significant shift in Washington’s outlook
Aishal Hab Yousuf is a postgraduate student at the Department of International Studies, Stella Maris College, Chennai. She is currently an intern at the National Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS), Bengaluru.
TWTW Note
North Korea’s Constitutional Amendment 2026:
The End of Korean Reunification, the Declaration of New Borders, and the Control of Nuclear Command
Aishal Hab Yousuf
What happened?
On 06 May, North Korea announced a constitutional amendment that redefines its territorial boundaries vis-à-vis South Korea.
The revised article now states that “The territory of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea includes the land bordering the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation to the north and the Republic of Korea to the south, as well as the territorial waters and airspace established on the basis thereof.”
The amendment also emphasizes that North Korea “will never tolerate any infringement” of its territory and nuclear development is necessary “to safeguard the country’s survival and development rights, deter war, and protect regional and global peace and stability.”
What is the background?
1. From Korean reunification to “two hostile states”
For over 70 years, both North and South Korea have formally claimed sovereignty over the entire Korean Peninsula. This ambition sought to keep alive the constitutional aspirations of eventual reunification. Historically, even during times of hostility, Pyongyang has not shied away from using the language of “national reunification," making it an intrinsic part of its ideological identity. However, a shift in this position is observed from the later part of 2023, when Kim Jong Un stated in a public address that inter-Korean relations were no longer between compatriots but between two hostile states. This reflected Pyongyang’s growing perception that reunification was no longer a realistic or useful objective amid the regional tensions. The constitutional revision formally completes this agenda.
This is a significant shift from the legacy of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il, both of whom had woven the idea of reunification into state ideology and as a central national objective. Under Kim Jong Un, greater emphasis appears to be placed on regime security, military deterrence, and the consolidation of North Korea as a distinct and separate state.
2. Tensions since 2023 and South Korea as the “principal enemy”
Relations between the two Korean states have been steadily deteriorating. Following the 2019 Hanoi summit between President Kim Jong Un and Donald Trump and its failure, North Korea accelerated missile tests and military modernization of its military while adopting a more confrontational posture towards South Korea and the United States. Pyongyang viewed the expanding security cooperation between South Korea, the United States, and Japan as a direct threat to its regime's security and strategic interests. In 2024, Kim Jong Un publicly ordered constitutional changes to designate South Korea as the "principal enemy," marking another shift. Therefore, the constitutional revision of 2026 seems to continue the ongoing political and strategic transformation in inter-Korean relations.
3. The nuclear dimension
The amendment formally codifies Kim Jong Un’s direct authority over the country’s nuclear forces by explicitly stating that the power relating to nuclear weapons rests with the Chairman of the State Affairs Commission, that is, Kim Jong Un himself. It also characterizes North Korea as a “responsible nuclear weapons state" committed to the continued development of nuclear capabilities for both regime survival and deterrence. By embedding this amendment within the constitution, Pyongyang seeks to institutionalize nuclear deterrence not merely as a military strategy but as a central pillar of state legitimacy and national security.
What does it mean?
First, the amendment has effectively ended the unification of North and South Korea. Even though any pragmatic prospects for reunification were unlikely, it is Pyongyang’s legal acknowledgment that the division of the Korean Peninsula is permanent.
Second, the amendment strengthens the case for military confrontation. By defining the boundary with South Korea as a separate state, Pyongyang has created a framework for treating all forms of border disputes as interstate conflicts rather than internal national disputes. This increases the risk of legal justification for aggressive military posturing. The risk is two-fold: calibrated provocation and coercive brinkmanship.
Third, the nuclear command is now inseparable from Kim Jong Un's authority. It is a message that Pyongyang wants no ambiguity about who is in control of the launch authority. Within North Korea, it cements Kim Jong Un’s image as indispensable to national survival.
Aishal Hab Yousuf is a postgraduate student at the Department of International Studies, Stella Maris College, Chennai. She is currently an intern at the National Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS), Bengaluru.
TWTW Review
The Africa Forward Summit 2026:
Five Takeaways of the Nairobi Declaration
Ada Khan
On May 11 and 12, Kenyan President William Ruto and French President Emmanuel Macron co-hosted “The Africa Forward: Africa-France Partnerships for Innovation and Growth Summit 2026” in Nairobi, Kenya. The Summit adopted the Nairobi Declaration. It is a comprehensive 11-point roadmap, signed by over 30 African heads of state and France, that addresses several areas, including global financial reforms, digital sovereignty, strategic autonomy, and regional development.
The following are five key takeaways from the summit and the Nairobi Declaration.
1. Dismantling extractive trade practices and demanding fairer credit systems
The Summit marked a major shift in how African countries are positioning themselves in the global economy and international politics. African leaders argued that international financial institutions and credit rating agencies unfairly classify African economies as high-risk, forcing them to borrow at very high interest rates.
The Declaration calls for fairer credit assessment systems and lower borrowing costs. The Declaration also strongly rejects the practice of extractive trade, arguing that, for centuries, African countries have exported raw materials such as lithium, cobalt, gold, and rare earth minerals, while other countries profit from manufacturing, refining, and processing them. Therefore, African countries must develop infrastructure and equipment to profit from their raw materials.
2. Promoting green industrialization and dismantling the traditional donor-recipient system
The Declaration focuses on promoting green industrialization. During the summit, the African countries highlighted that although the continent contributes very little to global emissions, it suffers disproportionately from climate disasters such as droughts, floods, and food insecurity. They proposed expanding lithium refining, battery manufacturing, solar equipment production, and green hydrogen production in Africa.
The Declaration emphasizes rejecting the traditional aid-based relationship in favor of equal economic partnerships. African leaders contended with the old donor-recipient framework that historically defined many Africa-West relations. Instead, they promoted a model based on co-investment, joint ventures, and economic partnerships. African leaders insisted on viewing Africa as a strategic partner rather than a dependent region.
3. Expansion of trade transport networks and strengthening of digital systems
Leaders argued that weak transport systems, fragmented energy networks, and poor digital connectivity have hindered African countries' ability to trade efficiently. To address these issues, the Declaration emphasizes regional integration and infrastructure development. It supported expanding transport corridors, ports, railways, electricity grids, and digital networks across Africa. It aims to reduce Africa’s dependence on exporting to Europe or China while boosting trade within Africa itself. This aligns with the goals of the African Union and the African Continental Free Trade Area.
The declaration focuses on Africa's digital sovereignty. Rather than relying entirely on American or Chinese tech architecture, the document mandates the development of African-led AI infrastructure. The declaration supports strengthening African digital infrastructure, African-language AI systems, digital public services, and innovation ecosystems. This reflects concern that Africa could otherwise become only a consumer of foreign AI technologies rather than a producer.
4. Developing the African pharmaceutical industry and health institutions
Influenced by lessons from the COVID-19 pandemic, African countries stressed the importance of local vaccine manufacturing, pharmaceutical industries, and stronger healthcare systems. The declaration advocates that dependence on imported medicines and medical equipment leaves African countries vulnerable during global crises. It also mandates strengthening African institutions such as the Africa Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the African Medicines Agency to coordinate continental health policy and regulation.
5. Rejections of external interference and demands for strategic autonomy
African leaders emphasized that Africa should no longer remain dependent on external powers for finance, security, technology, or political direction. The declaration promotes African-led solutions in peacekeeping, regional security cooperation, digital infrastructure, and economic planning. It contains an anti-interference policy. The annexes to the declaration explicitly reject external political meddling in African state affairs, privatization of state security, and the use of foreign mercenaries on the continent. Many African states increasingly oppose long-term dependence on foreign military forces. This comes after French military withdrawals from the Sahel and a surge in anti-Western sentiment.
To conclude:
The Nairobi Declaration represents a collective response to the incessant economic asymmetries and geopolitical dependencies that have historically shaped Africa’s relations with major powers. It is a significant transition from the domination of Western powers in African state affairs to African countries gaining increased autonomy, strategic independence, and economic empowerment.
The summit, followed by the declaration, extended beyond mere cooperation in Africa-France relations and also focused on the renegotiation of power and autonomy, which could redefine Africa’s standing in global politics.
Ada Khan is an undergraduate at the Department of Political Science, Public Policy, and Media Studies, Mount Carmel College, Bengaluru.
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By the NIAS-IPRI Course scholars on Contemporary Conflicts, Peace Processes, Theories and Thinkers. Compiled by Ayan Datta.
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Padmashree Anandhan
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IPRI Team
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IPRI Team
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GP Team
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IPRI Team
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IPRI Team
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GP Team
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Harini Madhusudan
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IPRI Team
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GP Team
GP Team
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NIAS Africa Team
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GP Team
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Padmashree Anandhan
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Padmashree Anandhan
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STIR Team
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GP Team
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GP Team
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GP Team
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GP Team
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Naina Singh
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Amit Gupta
IPRI Team
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GP Team
IPRI Team
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STIR Team
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GP Team
NIAS Africa Team
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Harshita Rathore
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Apoorva Sudhakar
Ankit Singh
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Sneha M
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GP Team
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GP Team
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Ankit Singh
Apoorva Sudhakar
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Jeshil J Samuel
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GP Team
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Anu Maria Joseph
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IPRI Team
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Apoorva Sudhakar
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GP Team
IPRI Team
IPRI Team
GP Team
GP Team
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GP Team
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GP Team
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GP Team
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GP Team
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GP Team
Harini Madhusudan
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Harini Madhusudan
GP Team
IPRI Team
Sukanya Bali
GP Team
Savithri Sellapperumage
GP Team
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GP Team
GP Team
Harini Madhusudan
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Srikumar Pullat
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GP Team
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Lokendra Sharma
GP Team
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GP Team
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Harini Madhusudan
Samreen Wani
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