Conflict Weekly Note

CWA # 1977
Conflict Weekly Note
Violence in Nigeria
US military deployment amidst worsening insurgency
Conflict Weekly #319-320, 20 February 2026

Anu Maria Joseph
22 February 2026

Photo Source: BBC

In the news
On 13 February, the New York Times reported that about 100 US military personnel had arrived in the northeastern Nigerian city of Maiduguri. It is the first team of US troops to arrive in the country to train and advise local forces in their fight against Boko Haram and IS-linked groups. According to the US Africa Command, approximately 200 US troops, including intelligence analysts, advisors and trainers, will be deployed to the country during the coming week.

On the same day, Nigeria's Defence Headquarters spokesperson, Samaila Uba, confirmed the troops' arrival and added that they will provide "technical support" and "intelligence training" to defeat "terrorist organisations." He added: “These personnel do not serve in a combat capacity and will not assume a direct operational role. Nigerian forces retain full command authority, make all operational decisions and will lead all missions on Nigerian sovereign territory."

Issues at large
First, the motivations behind US-Nigeria military cooperation. The primary objective of the US counterinsurgency cooperation with Nigeria is to maintain stability in the country’s oil sector. Nigeria produces approximately 1.7 million barrels of oil per day, making it one of Africa's largest producers and a major global supplier. Additionally, according to the US Mission in Nigeria, between January and August 2025, the country exported over 33.23 million barrels of crude oil to the US, which is almost half of the annual production. Besides, geopolitically, Nigeria serves as a gateway for the US in West Africa, where China and Russia have recently expanded their economic and military footprints.

Second, Nigeria’s security issues. Nigeria faces multiple security issues. In the northeast and northwest, Islamist militants, predominantly Boko Haram and its splinter groups, ISWAP, JNIM and Lakurawa, have been active for decades. Armed men, locally known as bandits, carryout ransom kidnappings and killings in the northwest. In the Middle Belt, farmer-herder clashes are common over land, cattle and grazing rights. Fulani Muslim herders attack farmers belonging to both Christian and Muslim Communities. Another actor is the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), a secessionist armed group fighting for a Christian breakaway state in the southeast.

Third, the recent developments. Since November 2025, there has been an increase in attacks and kidnappings. In November, Boko Haram kidnapped 13 girls from Borno state; bandits killed 12 people in Niger, and kidnapped 300 students from a school in Kaduna. In December, bandits killed eight people and kidnapped over 150 people from a church in Kaduna state. Attacks by Boko Haram, ISWAP and bandits were also recorded in Zamfara, Borno, Katsina and Niger states. This year alone recorded more than 12 major attacks, including the 4 February attack, when at least 120 people were killed by armed men in Kwara state. The increase is not only in the number of attacks but also in the geographical spread and the number of fatalities. While in 2025 the majority of the attacks were concentrated in the states of Borno, Zamfara and Kaduna, in 2026 it spread to Kwara, Niger and Katsina states. Meanwhile, the US-Nigeria military cooperation began with the US military strikes against IS-linked groups in Nigeria's Sokoto state in December, in collaboration with the Nigerian government. In January, the US AFRICOM delivered critical military supplies. The latest deployment of 100 US troops is expected to assist Nigerian forces with intelligence, military equipment and technical and operational coordination. The US has also approved USD 413 million for counterinsurgency operations in West Africa, including Nigeria.

Fourth, the US pressure on Nigeria and domestic concerns. Nigeria came under US pressure when Trump accused the Nigerian government of failing to protect Christians from the IS-linked group's attacks in the northwest. The US’s December strikes in Sokoto targeted the IS-linked groups. Nigerian authorities denied the allegation and clarified that the targets are not exclusively Christians. While the Nigerian government welcomes US support, there is growing domestic concern about external influence on internal security decisions, the Nigerian force's operational autonomy, the state's dependence on the US for counterinsurgency, and US economic and geopolitical interests in the region.

In perspective
For Nigeria, the US military intervention, although it raises several concerns, is a major counterterrorism step to regain the state's control over the peripheries, which have been lost to multiple security challenges. However, the US focus on selected states raises the concern of insurgency spreading to neighbouring states, which struggle with limited security support. It implies that long-term, sustainable security will depend on comprehensive support to address the potential geographic spread. Besides, Nigeria's US dependence, Trump's narratives of a Christian genocide and increasing US pressure imply that it will be challenging for the Nigerian state to balance security cooperation and external control over domestic policies.

For the US, this cooperation allows it to protect its geopolitical and economic interests, including regional stability, energy security, and counter China and Russia's footprints in the region. Regardless, durable security improvement is a long road, given the large number of actors, multiple motivations, and cross-border security issues in the region.

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