In the news
On 04 June, vigilante groups targeted Mozambican and Malawian migrants in Kleinmond, forcing them to flee their homes and seek safety in nearby mountains and coastal dunes.
On 07 June, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, in a national address outlined an expanded crackdown on undocumented immigrants while explicitly warning vigilante organisations against violence.
On 08 June, the March and March Movement rejected the President’s speech and demanded that companies terminate all foreign employees by 30 June while marching through business parks in Johannesburg.
On 09 June, local religious and human rights groups in George, Western Cape, set up neighbourhood watch systems to prevent further xenophobic clashes. Community leaders in Cape Town also took similar initiatives.
Between 04 and 09 June, over 1,100 Mozambicans were processed for repatriation by the South African government, along with 150 Malawians, 654 Nigerians, 663 Ghanaians, and 74 Zimbabweans.
Also on 09 June, the African Union convened a high-level meeting where the leadership issued a warning that targeted harassment and displacement of African migrants directly violated the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.
On 15 June, the South African government said it had repatriated 2,745 immigrants in a single week.
Issues at large
1. Recurring xenophobic violence in South Africa
Anti-immigrant violence in South Africa has evolved from sporadic post-apartheid riots into an entrenched structural crisis. Early violence relied on chaotic mob tactics, escalating from township expulsions in 1995 to catastrophic nationwide waves of attacks in 2008, 2015, and 2019. Today, primary actors have shifted from unorganized crowds to structured, media-savvy vigilante groups like Operation Dudula and March and March, who weaponize digital networks to enforce physical blockades around government services. An “outsider” in South Africa is both racialized and classist. Hostility is concentrated almost exclusively against low-income, Black Africans from neighbouring nations like Zimbabwe, Malawi, and Mozambique and generally not wealthier foreign nationals. Trapped in economically strained townships, these migrants serve as scapegoats for deeper systemic governance failures.
2. Economic distress as a primary trigger
According to Statistics South Africa, the official unemployment rate stands at 32.7 percent, rising to 43.7 percent when including discouraged job seekers, while youth unemployment sits at 45.8 percent, creating a large pool of economically marginalized young people vulnerable to populist rhetoric. Subsequent electricity price hikes further squeezed lower-income households, and in this climate of desperation, migrants, perceived as willing to work for lower wages or operate informal businesses outside the tax net, became a convenient scapegoat, with roughly three million immigrants comprising around 4.5 percent of the population.
3. From government inaction to aggressive crackdown
Initially reactive, the South African government deployed forces only after the 2008 riots devastated migrant communities. As vigilante movements gained traction, the state tightened controls, establishing the Border Management Authority in 2023 and introducing strict foreign hiring quotas. In March 2026, the Cabinet approved the Final Revised White Paper on Citizenship, Immigration, and Refugee Protection (CIRP). Politically, the government now faces pressure from multiple directions, with a frustrated electorate demanding tougher enforcement and simultaneous international condemnation. Following large-scale protests in April and May 2026, President Ramaphosa adopted its current approach - an aggressive state-led crackdown on illegal migration while explicitly warning vigilante networks against civilian violence.
4. Migrant communities face systematic exclusion
Anti-immigrant violence in South Africa is deeply racialized and classist, targeting low-income Black African migrants who originally fled socioeconomic and political instability at home. This hostility has triggered a major internal displacement crisis. Vigilante groups like March and March have systematically denied migrants basic healthcare by blockading public hospitals. In Mossel Bay, vigilantes killed five Mozambicans in early June, underscoring the extreme lengths these groups will go to enforce exclusion. This aggression reflects a sharp shift in public sentiment. According to the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC), public hostility is at its highest level since 2003, with 42 percent of South Africans demanding a complete ban on immigrants. Weaponized by a strict 30 June eviction deadline set by these anti-immigrant networks, several African nations are now actively accelerating the repatriation of their citizens to ensure their survival.
In perspective
While Ramaphosa’s government is trying to be cautious in its approach, decades of inaction by previous governments have already laid the groundwork for anti-immigrant violence to expand across the country. This is worsened by the current government’s aggressive crackdown on undocumented immigrants and the worsening economic outlook.
With the 30 June deadline approaching, African governments are likely to extend repatriation procedures. South Africa’s aggressive approach towards illegal immigration, combined with xenophobic violence perpetrated by anti-immigrant groups, is also likely to drive increased displacement of immigrant communities across South Africa.
